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AMERICA'S SECRET ESTABLISHMENT -- AN INTRODUCTION TO THE ORDER OF SKULL AND BONES

Memorandum Number Four: Antithesis - Financing The Nazis 

The Marxist version of the Hegelian dialectic poses financial capitalism as thesis and Marxist revolution as antithesis. An obvious puzzle in this Marxian statement is the nature of the synthesis presumed to evolve out of the clash of these opposites, i.e., the clash of financial capitalism and revolutionary Marxism.

Lenin's statement that the State will wither away at the synthesis stage is nonsensical. In fact, as all contemporary Marxist states testify, the State in practice becomes all powerful. The immediate task of "the revolution" is to convey all power to the state, and modern Marxist states operate under a constant paranoia that power may indeed pass away from the hands of the State into the hands of the people.

We suggest that world forces may be seen differently, although still in terms of the Hegelian dialectic. If Marxism is posed as the thesis and national socialism as antithesis, then the most likely synthesis becomes a Hegelian New World Order, a synthesis evolving out of the clash of Marxism and national socialism. Moreover, in this statement those who finance and manage the clash of opposites can remain in control of the synthesis.

If we can show that The Order has artificially encouraged and developed both revolutionary Marxism and national socialism while retaining some control over the nature and degree of the conflict, then it follows The Order will be able to determine the evolution and nature of the New World Order.

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U.S. GROUP CONTROL COUNCIL
(Germany)
Office of the Director of Intelligence
Field Information Agency, Technical

Mail Address: WS/ff
FIAT
c/o USFET Main
APO 757, U.S. Army

IN FIAT I 350.09-77

4 September 1945

INTELLIGENCE REPORT NO. EF/Me/1

SUBJECT: Report No. 1, Parts I and II, on the Examination of Dr. FRITZ THYSSEN.
TO: FIAT Distribution.

1. The report consists of two parts:

a. Three statements prepared and signed by THYSSEN, in conjunction with his interrogations.

(1) THYSSEN's Relations with the Nazi Party.
(2) A second statement on the same subject.
(3) THYSSEN's Interview with GOERING, 29 January 1941.

b. Notes on various subjects, from stenographic transcripts of his interrogations.

(1) Real Estate and Personal Records
(2) Financial Resources
(3) Movements during the War
(4) Opinions at the Outbreak of Hostilities
(5) Examination by the Gestapo
(6) Personalities
(7) Financial Support of the Nazi Party
(8) Defence of his Support of the Nazi Party
(9) The Famous Meeting in DUESSELDORF, 1932
(10) The Book I Paid HITLER
(11) Opposition to the Nazi Party
(12) Resistance in the Ruhr, 1923
(13) The YOUNG Plan
(14) The HERMANN GOERING WERKE

2. The report is based on interrogations of THYSSEN by Mr. CLIFFORD HYNNING, U.S. Group Control Council (Germany), Finance Division, at DUSTBIN, on 13, 20, and 23 July 1945.

For the Director of Intelligence:
WALTER K. SCHWINN
Chief, Economic and Financial Branch
FIAT (US)

PREPARED BY
R.H. SUPER
Economic & Financial Br.
FIAT (US)

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I. WHERE DID THE NAZIS GET THEIR FUNDS FOR REVOLUTION?

In Wall Street And The Rise of Hitler we described several financial conduits between Wall Street and the Nazi Party. This was later supplemented by publication of a long suppressed book, Hitler's Secret Backers. [1] Still other books have emphasized the Fritz Thyssen financial connection to Hitler. After he split with Hitler, Thyssen himself wrote a book, I Paid Hitler. We are now in a position to merge the evidence in these books with other material and our documentation on The Order.

The records of the U.S. Control Council for Germany contain the post-war intelligence interviews with prominent Nazis. From these we have verification that the major conduit for funds to Hitler was Fritz Thyssen and his Bank fur Handel and Schiff, previously called von Heydt's Bank. This information coincides with evidence in Wall Street And The Rise Of Hitler and Hitler's Secret Backers, even to the names of the people and banks involved, i.e., Thyssen, Harriman, Guaranty Trust, von Heydt, Carter, and so on.

The document reproduced on page 167 slipped through U.S. censorship because the Office of Director of Intelligence did not know of the link between Fritz Thyssen and the Harriman interests in New York. Documents linking Wall Street to Hitler have for the most part been removed from U.S. Control Council records. In any event, we reproduce here the Intelligence report identifying Fritz Thyssen and his Bank fur Handel und Schiff (No. EF/Me/1 of September 4, 1945) and page 13 of the interrogation of Fritz Thyssen entitled "Financial Support of the Nazi Party."

II. WHO WAS THYSSEN"?

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G. Financial Support of the Nazi Party.

My first connection with the Nazi party was through General LUDENDORF, following the evacuation of the Ruhr by the French troops. He told me about the Party and asked for my help. I agreed, but I did not want to give any money directly to the Party, so I gave it to LUDENDORF and he gave it to the Party. LUDENDORF introduced me to HITLER in 1923 before the Putsch. After the Putsch the two got separated, and I too got separated from the Nazis.

In 1930 or 1931, I think EMIL KIRDORF asked me to obtain some foreign credits for the Nazi Party. I had known him for a long time, though not in connection with business. He was my neighbor. After the death of my father, he was the oldest industrialist in the Ruhr. KIRDORF sent HESS to me; HESS had gone first to KIRDORF and reported that he had purchased the Brown House in MUNICH and could not pay for it, and KIRDORF said he could not help him, but that he should apply to me. I told HESS that I could not do as he wished, but that in order to show my good will and because Mr. KIRDORF sent him I would arrange a credit for him with a Dutch bank in ROTTERDAM, the Bank fur Handel und Schiff.

I arranged the credit by writing a letter in which I arranged that if the bank would give credit to HESS, he would pay it back in three years in equal rates. I was not officially guarantor of the loan, but because I had proposed it, I was really responsible. I chose a Dutch bank because I did not want to be mixed up with German banks in my position, and because I thought it was better to do business with a Dutch bank, and I thought I would have the Nazis a little more in my hands. HITLER pretended he never got any help. It was difficult to do nothing in those days when things were going, nobody knew where, and I always thought I would have some influence. It was for the same reason that I would not give up my position later as member of parliament, because I always thought perhaps I could prevent war.

The credit was about 250-300,000 marks -- about the same sum I had given before. The loan has been repaid in part to the Dutch bank, but I think some money is still owing on it; it had not all been paid when I left Germany in 1939. I have had to make payments on it myself -- perhaps 200,000-280,000 marks which the Nazi Party didn't pay; they did repay some.

The Nazis applied first to KIRDORF rather than direct to me because KIRDORF was a great friend of HITLER -- he was fascinated by him. But KIRDORF told me that he was not himself in a position to give such an amount, and so I made this arrangement. But I certainly would not have done it if KIRDORF had not sent this man HESS to me.

I do not know of anyone else among the industrialists who was supporting the Party financially in 1928; I was then its principal supporter. Later, [Ernst] TENGELMANN, [Emil] KIRDORF, [Albert] VOGLER, [Gustav] KNEPPER all contributed, that was some sort of tax imposed on the whole industry. The reason for it was that HITLER would fight the communists: it was clear that the power would fall either to the communists or to the Nazis. When the Reichstag was burned, everyone was sure it had been done by the communists. I later learned in Switzerland that it was all a lie.

My contributions to the Party since that day have not been important -- part of what the industry gave. I did help them in the riding school in my place. In 1932 I made two small contributions to Gauleiter TERBOVEN. He came and asked for the winter help and assistance: the winter contribution was made every year. At that time I gave him a pretty nice sum, something like 20,000 marks. This became an annual contribution; I am not sure whether the sum was increased. You see, we had a winter contribution of our own. When the unemployment began, my family undertook a winter help of our own, and gave poor people food, clothing, and shelter.

I joined the Party when they offered me membership in the Reichstag, I think in the election of 1931 or 1932. Before that time I was a German Nationalist. It is correcte to say that my only contributions from my personal resources to the Party were the small annual dues, the subscription to various publications of the Party, and the winter help to the amount of 20-30 thousand marks. In other words the total amount I paid to the Nazi Party and its affiliates in any one year may have been a little over 50,000 marks; certainly not so much as ...

-13-

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Fritz Thyssen was the German steel magnate who associated himself with the Nazi movement in the early '20s. When interrogated in 1945 under Project Dustbin, Thyssen recalled that he was approached in 1923 by General Ludendorf at the time of French evacuation of the Ruhr. Shortly after this meeting Thyssen was introduced to Hitler and provided funds for the Nazis through General Ludendorf.

In 1930-31 Emil Kirdorf approached Thyssen and subsequently sent Rudolf Hess to negotiate further funding for the Nazi Party. This time Thyssen arranged a credit of 250,000 marks at the Bank Voor Handel en Scheepvaart N.V. (the Dutch name for the bank named by Thyssen in the attached document), at 18 Zuidblaak in Rotterdam, Holland.

Thyssen was former head of the Vereinigte Stahlwerke, The German steel trust, financed by Dillon Read (New York), and played a decisive role in the rise of Hitler to power by contributing liberally to the Nazi Party and by influencing his fellow industrialists to join him in support of the Fuehrer. In reward for his efforts, Thyssen was showered with political and economic favors by the Third Reich and enjoyed almost unlimited power and prestige under the Nazi regime until his break with Hitler in 1939 over the decision to invade Poland and precipitate the Second World War.

This incident and Thyssen's subsequent publication, I Paid Hitler, has a parallel with the history of his father, August Thyssen. Through a similar confession in 1918 the elder Thyssen, despite his record as a staunch backer of pan-Germanism, succeeded in convincing the Allies that sole responsibility for German aggression should be placed on the Kaiser and German industrialists should not be blamed for the support they had given to the Hohenzollerns. Apparently influenced by August Thyssen and his associates, the Allies made no effort to reform German industry after World War I. The result was that Thyssen was allowed to retain a vast industrial empire and pass it on intact to his heirs and successors.

It was against this background that Fritz Thyssen took over control of the family holdings following the death of his father in 1926. The new German steel baron had already achieved fame throughout the Reich by his defiance of the French during their occupation of the Ruhr in 1923. Like Hitler, Thyssen regarded the Treaty of Versailles as "a pact of shame" which must be overthrown if the Fatherland were to rise again. This is the story in Hitler's Secret Backers.

Thyssen set out along the same road as his father, aided by ample Wall Street loans to build German industry. August Thyssen had combined with Hugenburg, Kirdorf, and the elder Krupp to promote the All-Deutscher Verband (the Pan-German League), which supplied the rationale for the Kaiser's expansionist policies.

His son became an active member of the Stahlhelm and later, through Goring, joined the Nazis. Finally, after the crash of 1931 had brought German industry to the verge of bankruptcy, he openly embraced national socialism.

During the next 2 years Thyssen dedicated his fortune and his influence to bring Hitler to power. In 1932 he arranged the famous meeting in the Dusseldorf Industrialists' Club, at which Hitler addressed the leading businessmen of the Ruhr and the Rhineland. At the close of Hitler's speech Thyssen cried, "Heil Herr Hitler," while the others applauded enthusiastically. By the time of the German Presidential elections later that year, Thyssen obtained contributions to Hitler's campaign fund from the industrial combines. He alone is reported to have spent 3,000,000 marks on the Nazis in the year 1932.

III. THE UNION BANKING CONNECTION

This flow of funds went through Thyssen banks. The Bank fur Handel and Schiff cited as the conduit in the U.S. Intelligence report was a subsidiary of the August Thyssen Bank, and founded in 1918 with H.J. Kouwenhoven and D.C. Schutte as managing partners. In brief, it was Thyssen's personal banking operation, and affiliated with the W.A. Harriman financial interests in New York. Thyssen reported to his Project Dustbin interrogators that:

"I chose a Dutch bank because I did not want to be mixed up with German banks in my position, and because I thought it was better to do business with a Dutch bank, and I thought I would have the Nazis a little more in my hands."

Hitler's Secret Backers identifies the conduit from the U.S. as "von Heydt," and von Heydt's Bank was the early name for Thyssen's Bank. Furthermore, the Thyssen front bank in Holland -- i.e., the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart N.V. -- controlled the Union Banking Corporation in New York.

The Harrimans had a financial interest in, and E. Roland Harriman (The Order 1917), Averell's brother, was a director of this Union Banking Corporation. The Union Banking Corporation of New York City was a joint Thyssen-Harriman operation with the following directors in 1932:

E. Roland Harriman (The Order 1917) Vice President of W.A. Harriman & Co., New York
H.J. Kouwenhoven (Nazi) Nazi banker, managing partner of August Thyssen Bank and Bank voor Handel Scheepvaart N.V. (the transfer bank for Thyssen's funds)
Knight Wooley (The Order 1917) Director of Guaranty Trust, New York and Director Federal Reserve Bank of N. Y.
Cornelius Lievense President, Union Banking Corp. and Director of Holland-American Investment Corp.
Ellery Sedgewick James (The Order 1917) Partner, Brown Brothers, & Co., New York
Johann Groninger (Nazi) Director of Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart and Vereinigte Stahlwerke (Thyssen's steel operations)
J.L. Guinter Director Union Banking Corp
Prescott Sheldon Bush (The Order 1917) Partner, Brown Brothers. Harriman. Father of President G. H. W. Bush

The eight directors of Union Banking Corporation are an interesting bunch indeed. Look at the following:

  • Four directors of Union Banking are members of The Order: all initiated at Yale in 1917 -- members of the same Yale class. All four were members of the same cell (club) D 115.

  • E. Harriman was the brother of W. Averell Harriman and a Vice-President of W.A. Harriman Company.

  • Guaranty Trust was represented by Knight Woolley.

  • Two of the Union directors, Kouwenhoven and Groninger, were Nazi directors of Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart, formerly the von Heydt Bank. Von Heydt was the intermediary between Guaranty Trust and Hitler named in Hitler's Secret Backer.

  • Ellery S. James and Prescott S. Bush were partners in Brown Brothers, later Brown Brothers, Harriman.

Out of eight directors of Thyssen's bank in New York, we can therefore identify six who are either Nazis or members of The Order.

This private bank was formerly named Von Heydt Bank and von Heydt is named by Shoup in Hitler's Secret Backers as the intermediary from Guaranty Trust in New York to Hitler between 1930 and 1933. Above all, remember that Shoup was writing in 1933 when this information was still only known to those on the inside. Out of tens of thousands of banks and bankers, Shoup, in 1933, names those that evidence surfacing decades later confirms as financing Hitler.

In brief, when we merge the information in PROJECT DUSTBIN with Shoup's Hitler's Secret Backers, we find the major overseas conduit for Nazi financing traces back to THE ORDER and specifically cell D 115.

IV. PROFIT FROM CONFLICT

Out of war and revolution come opportunities for profit.

Conflict can be used for profit by corporations under control and influence of The Order. In World War II, the Korean War and the Vietnamese War, we can cite examples of American corporations that traded with "the enemy" for profit.

This "blood trade" is by no means sporadic or limited to a few firms; it is general and reflects higher policy decisions and philosophies. Corporations -- even large corporations -- are dominated by banks and trust companies, and in turn these banks and trust companies are dominated by The Order and its allies. (This will be the topic of a forthcoming volume).

Although the U.S. did not officially go to war with Germany until 1941, legally, and certainly morally, the U.S. was at war with Nazi Germany after the Destroyer deal with Great Britain in December 1940, i.e., the exchange of 50 old U.S. destroyers for strategic bases in British territory. Even before December 1940 the MS "Frederick S. Fales" owned by Standard Vacuum Company was sunk by a German submarine on September 21, 1940. Yet in 1941 Standard Oil of New Jersey (now EXXON) had six Standard Oil tankers under Panamanian registry, manned by Nazi officers to carry fuel oil from Standard Oil refineries to the Canary Islands, a refueling base of Nazi submarines.

A report on this dated July 15, 1941 from Intelligence at Fifth Corps in Columbus, Ohio is reproduced on page 172. The report is in error recording that no Standard Oil ships had been sunk by the Nazis; Major Burrows apparently did not know "Frederick S. Fales" in 1940.

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH CORPS AREA
OFFICE OF THE CORPS AREA COMMANDER
FORT HAYES, COLUMBUS, OHIO

WAR DEPARTMENT
July 15, 1951

G-2

SUBJECT: Standard Oil Company of New Jersey Ships Under Panamanian Registry.

TO: A.C. of S., G-2
War Department
Washington, D.C.

1. A report has been received from Cleveland, Ohio, in which it is stated that the source of this information is unquestionable, to the effect that the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey now ships under Panamanian registry, transporting oil (fuel) from Aruba, Dutch West Indies to Teneriffe, Canary Islands, and is apparently diverting about 20% of this fuel oil to the present German government.

2. About six of the ships operating on this route are reputed to be manned mainly by Nazi officers. Seamen have reported to the informant that they have seen submarines in the immediate vicinity of the Canary Islands and have learned that these submarines are refueling there. The informant also stated that the Standard Oil Company has not lost any ships to date by torpedoing as have other companies whose ships operate to other ports.

For the A.C. of S., G-2,
CHAS. A. BURROWS,
Major, Military Intelligence
Asst. A.C. of S., G-2

Another example of profit from war is recorded in the document on page 173. This records the association of RCA and the Nazis in World War II. RCA was essentially a Morgan-Rockefeller firm and so linked to The Order.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Memorandum of Conversation
DATE: May 24, 1943.
SUBJECT: Communications.
PARTICIPANTS: Colonel Sarnoff, RCF
Mr. Long
COPIES TO: PA, I.H.

I talked to Colonel Sarnoff on the telephone and explained to him that we had reason to believe that more messages than the agreed 700 code-groups a week were being sent from B.A. by the Axis powers to their Governments. I told him I could not disclose down there the source of our information. In an effort to obtain additional information our representatives down there had approached Hayes. Hayes had seemed to them noncooperative. There may have been very sound reasons why he refused to disclose the exact number of messages sent in code-groups by each of the Axis representatives to their Government. However, there didn't seem to be any reason why the managership should not request a report on all code-groups being sent over a period of time, day by day, and to include a report on all belligerents, and that if he would obtain that information through confidential channels we would be appreciative. I suggested it be not done by telegraph or telephone and suggested the mail, but offered to make the pouch available.

Colonel Sarnoff replied that he would talk to Mr. Winterbottom but he saw no reason why we should not do it and that he would communicate with us if they wanted to use the pouch.

After receipt of this information we will be in a better position to judge what our policy should be.

B.L.

A-L:BL:lag

Yet another example is that of Chase Bank. Chase was linked to The Order through the Rockefeller family (Percy Rockefeller, The Order 1900) and Vice-President Reeve Schley (Yale, Scroll & Key). Directors of Chase in The Order included Frederick Allen (The Order 1900), W.E.S. Griswold (The Order 1899) and Cornelius Vanderbilt, whose brother Gwynne Vanderbilt (The Order 1899) represented the family before his death. President of Chase was Winthrop Aldrich. This was the Harvard branch of the Aldrich family, another branch is Yale and The Order.

Chase Manhattan Bank is not only a firm that plays both sides of the political fence, but with Ford Motor Company, was selected by Treasury Secretary Morgenthau for post-war investigation of pro-Nazi activities:

These two situations [i.e., Ford and Chase Bank] convince us that it is imperative to investigate immediately on the spot the activities of subsidiaries of at least some of the larger American firms which were operating in France during German occupation ...

The extent of Chase collaboration with Nazis is staggering -- and this was at a time when Nelson Rockefeller had an intelligence job in Washington aimed AGAINST Nazi operations in Latin America.

In December 1944 Treasury Department officials examined the records of the Chase Bank in Paris. On December 20, 1944 the senior U.S. examiner sent a memorandum to Treasury Secretary Morgenthau with the preliminary results of the Paris examination. Here's an extract from that report:

a. Niederman, of Swiss nationality, manager of Chase, Paris, was unquestionably a collaborator;

b. The Chase Head Office in New York was informed of Niederman's collaborationist policy but took no steps to remove him. Indeed there is ample evidence to show that the Head Office in New York viewed Niederman's good relations with the Germans as an excellent means of preserving, unimpaired, the position of the Chase Bank in France.

c. The German authorities were anxious to keep the Chase open and indeed took exceptional measures to provide sources of revenue.

d. The German authorities desired "to be friends" with the important American banks because they expected that these banks would be useful after the war as an instrument of German policy in the United States.

e. The Chase, Paris showed itself most anxious to please the German authorities in every possible way. For example, the Chase zealously maintained the account of the German Embassy in Paris, "as every little thing helps" (to maintain the excellent relations between Chase and the German authorities).

f. The whole objective of the Chase policy and operation was to maintain the position of the bank at any cost.

In brief, Chase Bank was a Nazi collaborator, but the above preliminary report is as far as the investigation proceeded. The report was killed on orders from Washington, D.C.

On the other hand, Chase Bank, later Chase Manhattan Bank, has been a prime promoter of exporting U.S. technology to the Soviet Union. This goes all the way back to the early 1920s when Chase broke U.S. regulations in order to aid the Soviets. As early as 1922 Chase was trying to export military LIBERTY aircraft engines to the Soviet Union!

In conclusion, we have seen that the two arms of the dialectic described in Memoranda Three and Four clashed in World War II. Furthermore, the corporate segment of the elite profited from Lend Lease to the Soviets and by underground cooperation with Nazi interests. The political wing of The Order was at the same time preparing a new dialectic for the post World War 11 era.

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1. Wall Street And The Rise Of Hitler and Hitler's Secret Backers are obtainable from Research Publications, P.O. Box 39850, Phoenix Arizona 85069. Some other aspects are covered in Charles Higham, Trading With The Enemy (Delacorte Press).

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