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INTRODUCTION
It is a little
over four years since I, John DeCamp, wrote the
words you have just read. My closest friend and mentor, Bill
Colby, like so many others in the Franklin case, is dead; he
was fished out of a river in front of his home, under the most
questionable of circumstances, in April 1996.
Was he killed
because of his involvement in Franklin? I
don't know. What I do know, is that Bill Colby was the heart
and soul of the Franklin investigation. Although at a certain
point he warned me against investigating the case further, it
was he who relentlessly pushed to publicly expose what had
already been discovered, when everyone else, including, at
times, myself, wanted to call it quits. Without him, this book
would never have been written. In the new, final chapter of
this second edition, I tell much more about my relationship to Bill Colby, who was, in my estimation, one of the greatest
patriots this country has seen, from the time that he served as
our country's Deputy Ambassador to South Vietnam (but, in
reality, as CIA Station Chief), and recruited a young combat
infantry captain named John DeCamp to be one of his chief
assistants in Operation Phoenix, right through to his role in
trying to blow open the Franklin cover-up.
WHAT'S WRONG WITH
THIS PICTURE?
A
partial list of the Knights and Dames of Malta reads
like a Who’s Who of American Catholicism:
-
William Casey
– CIA Director.
-
John McCone –
CIA Director.
-
William Colby
– CIA Director.
-
William
Donovan – OSS Director. Donovan was given an
especially prestigious form of knighthood that has
only been given to a hundred other men in history.
-- "The Origins of
the Overclass," by Steve Kangas
A
former CIA deputy station chief and an American diplomat
admitted in May 1990 that U.S. officials supplied both
arms and the names of thousands of PKI members to the
Indonesian army and CIA-funded Muslim student death
squads, who hunted the leftists down and murdered them.
The first order by military officers to Muslim students
in early October was the word sikat, meaning "clean
out", "wipe out" or "massacre." U.S. officials were well
aware that the people named on the lists "were destined
for extra-judicial firing squads." CIA officers "later
checked off the names of those who had been killed."
Estimates of the number of deaths that occurred as a
result of this CIA operation run from half a million to
over one million people.
Former CIA Director William Colby compared the
Indonesian operation to the CIA's Phoenix Programme in
the Vietnam War (whose goal was to "neutralise 3,000
people a month" and which murdered between 20,000 and
40,000 Vietnamese). Colby admitted: "The people getting
killed in Indonesia were not soldiers. They were not
even the "enemy" in an on-going war. They were members
of a popular, grassroots political party. Or they were
in the way."
--
The CIA in Indonesia, by
wakeupmag.co.uk
CIA director William Colby later admitted in secret
testimony before the House Foreign Affairs Committee
that the CIA had "penetrated" all of Chile's major
political parties, that it had secretly furnished "some
assistance" to certain Chilean groups and that the
executions carried out by the junta after the coup had
"done some good."
--
The CIA in Chile, by
wakeupmag.co.uk
When the Pine Gap Treaty, which would determine the
future of the CIA's most valuable overseas base, was due
for renewal on December 9th 1975, Whitlam's comments
that he might not renew the treaty raised major alarms
in the Agency. CIA Director William Colby later wrote
that the "threat" posed by the Whitlam Government was
one of the three "world crises" of his career,
comparable with the Middle East war two years
previously, when the United States considered using
nuclear weapons.
The CIA Station Chief in London, Dr John Proctor,
contacted MI6 and asked for British help with "the
Whitlam problem." William Colby directly approached his
opposite number, head of MI6, Sir Maurice Oldfield, to
emphasise to British intelligence that Australia was
"traditionally Britain's domain" and that if Pine Gap
was closed down, "the Alliance would be blinded
strategically." The CIA also sought assistance from MI6
and MI5 liaison officers based in Washington.
British intelligence has long had a vested interest in
Australian politics. MI6 operates its own base at
Kowandi, south of Darwin, where its highly secret
activities are concealed from the Australian government
and people. They include widespread interception of
communications and covert operations in Asia. The
Australian Secret Intelligence Service, ASIS, also
operates from this base and is highly integrated with
British intelligence.
At
the same time as U.S. intelligence was targeting the
Australian Labor Government, Peter Wright (of Spycatcher
infamy) and his colleagues in British intelligence were
busy destabilising the British Labour Government of
Harold Wilson. Wright conspired with his close friend,
James Jesus Angleton, the extreme right-wing head of CIA
counter-intelligence, to "target" the three Western
leaders they regarded as "Communist agents": Harold
Wilson, Willy Brandt in Germany and Gough Whitlam.
After discovering that the British and American
intelligence services based in Australia were secretly
involved in Indonesia's invasion of East Timor, Whitlam
ordered the dismissal of the heads of ASIO and ASIS in
the autumn of 1975, and then began to make moves against
the CIA. Then, at the beginning of November, it was
revealed in the press that a former CIA officer, Richard
Stallings, had been channelling funds to J. Douglas
Anthony, leader of the opposition National Country
Party, and was a close friend and former tenant of
Anthony's Canberra home. Whitlam accused the opposition
of being "subsidised by the CIA."
In
Parliament, Doug Anthony admitted that Stallings was a
friend but challenged Whitlam to provide evidence that
Stallings worked for the CIA. (Stallings' name was not
on the official list of "declared" CIA officers working
in Australia, but on a "confidential" list held by the
Permanent Head of the Australian Defence Department, Sir
Arthur Tange). Whitlam prepared a reply, which he
intended to give when Parliament resumed the following
week, on Tuesday November 11th.
The CIA was frantic. The Australian Prime Minister was
about to blow the cover of the agent who had set up Pine
Gap and to reveal that the supposedly "joint" facility
was a CIA charade. Furthermore, the future of the base
itself was to be subject to parliamentary debate. The
day before his speech was due, Whitlam was informed of a
telex from the ASIO station in Washington, which stated
that the Prime Minister of Australia was a security risk
in his own country. The message had been virtually
dictated by Theodore Shackley, head of the CIA's East
Asia Division (and whose plethora of illegal covert
activities have been outlined in other articles on this
site).
On
Sunday November 9th, the Australian Governor-General,
Sir John Kerr, was briefed on the "security crisis",
while the head of the Defence Department declared
publicly: "This is the greatest risk to the nation's
security there has ever been." The CIA was certain that
Whitlam would announce the cancellation of the Pine Gap
agreement on December 9th, and set into motion a plan to
install in power a political party to "protect the
sanctity of U.S. bases."
Six weeks earlier, during a visit to Indonesia,
opposition politician Andrew Peacock had briefed
government officials there on the current state of the
Australian political crisis. He described in detail a
sequence of events that were about to take Australia by
surprise. A record of his briefing was later read into
Australian Hansard:
"Whitlam will not agree to hold an election.... The
Governor-General would be forced to ask Malcolm Fraser
to form a Cabinet. But this Cabinet would not be able to
get a mandate to govern, because Parliament is
controlled by the Labor Party.... Fraser is appointed
PM, a minute later he asks the Governor-General to
dissolve Parliament, following which a general election
is to be held."
And that was exactly what happened. On November 11th,
the day Whitlam was to inform Parliament fully about the
CIA and American bases in Australia, he was summoned by
Kerr from Parliament House. Without warning, Kerr
dismissed Whitlam as Prime Minister, dissolved both
houses of Parliament and appointed Malcolm Fraser,
leader of the Liberal Party, to head an interim
government until new elections could be held in
December. An unelected official (whose position was
traditionally only that of a figurehead representative
of the Queen of England) had, in one arbitrary and
unconstitutional act, overthrown a legitimate and
democratically elected government.
--
The CIA in Australia:
America's Foreign Watergate, by wakeupmag.co.uk
Under the guidance of William Colby, head of the CIA's
Far East Division, the 1960's saw the Agency's
programmes in South East Asia rapidly expand. The CIA's
"secret" war in Laos was launched; guerrilla raids and
bombing operations by the CIA's proprietary company Air
America killed tens of thousands of Laotians. And in
Vietnam, the notorious Phoenix "counter terror"
programme was begun. Wayne Cooper, a Foreign Service
Officer, reported: "CIA representatives recruited,
organised, supplied and directly paid teams whose
function was to use techniques of terror -
assassination, kidnappings and intimidation against the
Viet Cong leadership." William Colby also supervised the
establishment of a network of Provincial Interrogation
Centres in each of south Vietnam's 44 provinces, mainly
for the use of torture tactics against suspected
Vietcong.
A
former US military intelligence officer in Vietnam,
Barry Osborn, reported: "By late 1968, the Phoenix
programme was not serving any legitimate function that I
know of, but rather had gone so wrong that it was the
vehicle by which we were getting into a bad genocide
programme." Osborn testified before a House Committee
that suspects caught by Phoenix were interrogated in
helicopters and sometimes pushed out. He also spoke of
the use of electric shock torture. Jeff Stein, a senior
CIA agent, stated: "I learned of the insertion of a
six-inch dowel into the circular canal of one of my
detainee's ears and the tapping through to the brain
until the person died; the starving to death of a
Vietnamese woman suspected of being part of the local
education cabinet . Atrocities are normal; atrocities
are taught to us as being normal." Stein also stated: "I
would send in a report which would say, one person who
was suspected of being VC, unconfirmed, uncorroborated,
should be at this point, co-ordinate, at this time on
this day, and I would find out later that a B-52 strike
had hit that spot at that time and wiped out the whole
village."
Frank Snepp, another senior CIA agent, reported: "I
would put together a list and I would turn it over to Mr
Colby's people. He would feed this list out to the
strike teams and they would go to work. The hit teams
became impatient and they decided to take the law as
such into their own hands. And instead of bringing the
sources in, they began killing them piece-meal. I looked
at a list of the Phoenix programme's latest casualty
count and I discovered it ran about 20,000 killed. And
that is how you became a collaborator in the worst of
the terrorist programmes, in the most atrocious excesses
of the U.S. government."
US
Senator Stephen Young of Ohio was reported to have said
that while he was in Vietnam, the CIA told him that the
Agency disguised people as Vietcong to commit
atrocities, including murder and rape, so as to
discredit the Communists. In 1975 a Senate committee
investigating the CIA's secret operations in Vietnam
reported: "Two Vietcong prisoners were interrogated on
an airplane flying towards Saigon. The first refused to
answer all questions and was thrown out of the airplane
at 3,000 feet. The second immediately answered all the
questions. But he too was thrown out. Other techniques
usually designed to force onlooking prisoners to talk
involved cutting off the fingers, ears, fingernails or
sexual organs of another prisoner."
According to William Colby's own testimony before a
congressional committee in 1971, 20,587 suspected Viet
Cong were killed under the Phoenix programme in its
first two-and-a-half years. The South Vietnamese
government credited Phoenix with 40,994 deaths. Colby,
the architect of the murder programme, said: "I was not
able to say that no-one had been wrongly killed. But the
purpose and the effect of the Phoenix programme was to
bring decency and intelligence to our side of the
battle." Two years later, Colby became Director of the
CIA.
During later congressional hearings into the activities
of the CIA, William Colby meticulously detailed decades
of assassinations, destabilisation campaigns and
domestic surveillance in the U.S. itself, going so far
as to bring along dart guns, vials of snake poison and
other Company hardware as exhibits. George Bush replaced
Colby as CIA Director in early 1976 and the year-long
House investigation of the CIA under Otis Pike and
Senator Frank Church was wound down. In terms of reform
or control of the CIA's covert operations, those
investigations produced little more than the
establishment of intelligence oversight committees in
both chambers and recommendations for future
legislation. However, a couple of weeks after the House
of representatives voted to allow the White House to
censor the Pike Committee's report, it was leaked to the
Village Voice. It was sensational, with details of CIA
intervention in foreign elections, paramilitary
operations and black propaganda.
--
The CIA: An Expose of the
Agency's History and Covert Operations, by
wakeupmag.co.uk
[William Colby]: "Of course the CIA
in particular was involved in investigating, learning
and, on occasion, using, everything we could learn about
mind control -- and with
extremely good reason.
Following the Korean War, this country's military and
intelligence communities went through a period of
absolute paranoia about just how far our enemies
were ahead of us in mind control and related activities.
"There was no particular program called 'Monarch,'
contrary to what you want to think. 'Monarch' was merely
a name that some participants in the program -- who knew
very little about it, other than from their own limited
participation -- were given to identify themselves. But,
as far as the CIA was concerned, there was no such
program named 'Monarch.'
"But, with respect to mind control, I will tell you that
this country spent millions upon millions supposedly
catching up to our Cold War adversaries, because we
believed they had developed mind control technology
which exceeded anything we had. In fact, we at the
Company [CIA] truly believed for a substantial period of
time, that technology and techniques and drugs had been
developed by Russia which would enable them to have
agents who in fact really were able to have and use
ESP-extra sensory perception.
"Can you imagine," Bill continued, "how dangerous for
this country it would be if you could have had someone
meeting the President of the United States, who was
actually able to read what was in the President's mind?
"I
know," Bill continued, "it may sound silly today to get
all carried away with this fear; but I can tell you that
we took it all very seriously and believed this ESP
thing for some significant time period.
"I
will tell you one other thing," Bill said, somewhat
ominously, "we are not behind in knowledge of mind
control. In fact, we never were, but we only found that
out much later, after we had poured incredible resources
into this area. And yes, I am sure, there were some
problems and abuses that occurred and we will talk about
them at another time."
--
The Franklin Cover-Up,
by John W. DeCamp
|
I published The
Franklin Cover-Up, as much as an insurance
policy for myself and my family, as for any other purpose.
Colby had pointed to the extreme danger for a person to have
secret knowledge about a situation, that others who are affected
want to keep out of the public's view.
"Some people will
go to any lengths to make sure things
stay secret," Colby had often repeated to me, "which is why
the CIA and the KGB sometimes find their agents dead. Your
best interest," he argued, "may well be in publishing what you
know and are able to prove, rather than keeping those facts
secret. Whether you ever sell a single book or not does not
really matter. Putting your information on the public record is
what is important. That way, there is no logical reason to harm
you or your family, to suppress some truth you have already
documented. That is probably your real life insurance policy in
something like this Franklin situation," Colby had advised me.
Now, four years
later, without a single dollar spent in advertising or promotion, over 50,000 copies of this book have been
sold nationwide. I am convinced that this is why I am alive
today, although I did receive a warning in September 1996,
through reliable sources, that I am targeted -- "just like they
got Colby." There have also been innumerable attempts to
disbar me. Although I have thus far been able to defeat every
one of these attempts, they keep coming; to silence me through
disbarment is, for those trying to hide the truth on Franklin,
the equivalent of assassinating me. So, the battle continues,
both in the Franklin case per se -- about which I include stunning
new material which proves the truth of Part I of this book --
and in the new cases in which I have become involved. As a
result of the first publication of The Franklin Cover-Up, as an
attorney, I have become involved in some of the most famous
legal cases now occurring in these United States, from cases involving
the militia movement, to the Oklahoma City bombing, to the notorious Gordon Kahl shootout with U.S. Marshals,
about which documentaries and movies have been made, to
appearances before the U.S. Senate on all of these matters,
including Ruby Ridge and Waco. I have appeared on all of
the national TV networks, and on many national shows, such
as Nightline with Ted Koppel, Good Morning America, CNN's
Burden of Proof, America's Most Wanted, and others.
So, I say, as I
dedicate this second edition of The Franklin
Cover-Up to my friend and mentor, William Colby: "Thanks,
Bill. You were right, so right it terrifies me. I told the truth,
just as you instructed. Now, as a result of the publication of
the original Franklin Cover-Up, I have ended up in situations,
where, once again, the truth must be told on some explosive
new issues, whose consequences rival those of Franklin, for
the future of this country."
Thus, this new
edition contains eight dramatic new chapters
(and an epilogue): The Franklin Investigation, and Cover-up,
Continue; Four Years Later Where Are They Now?; Troy
Boner Steps Forward; Drugs and the Monarch Project; From
Montana to Oklahoma City; The Oklahoma Bombing; The U.S.
Justice Department Murder of Gordon Kahl; and In Memoriam:
Bill Colby. This concluding chapter will reveal more about
Colby's role in Franklin, and his very last instructions to me,
two weeks before his death.
Finally, the last
word on the Franklin cover-up is delivered
in the epilogue -- not by me, but by the nineteenth-century
novelist Herman Melville. Besides his famous Moby Dick,
Melville wrote short stories. A high-ranking personage involved in the Franklin case, told me that one of these stories
contained the ultimate secret behind the Franklin cover-up.
He was right.
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"What kind of music are on the
Mini LPs?" I asked.
"Sounds resembling the songs of the humpback whale."
I stared at him, not sure he was serious.
"Really," he said. "In fact I did a tape going from whale noises to the
Synchronicity Music and back again. There's an eerie continuity; I mean,
you can tell the difference, but --"
"How does the Synchronicity Music affect you? What sort of mood does it
put you in?"
Kevin said, "A deep theta state, deep sleep. But I personally had
visions."
"Of what? Three-eyed people?"
"No," Kevin said. "Of an ancient Celtic sacred ceremony. A ram being
roasted and sacrificed to cause winter to go away and spring to return."
--
"Valis," by Philip K. Dick |
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