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To emancipate all slaves born after passing the act. The
bill reported by the revisers does not itself contain this proposition; but an amendment containing it was prepared, to
be offered to the Legislature whenever the bill should be taken
up, and further directing that they should continue with their
parents to a certain age, then be brought up, at the public
expense, to tillage, arts or sciences, according to their geniuses, till the females should be eighteen, and the, males
twenty-one years of age, when they should be colonized to
such place as the circumstances of the time should render
most proper, sending them out with arms, implements of
household, and of the handicraft arts, seeds, pairs of the useful domestic animals, &c., to declare them a free and independent people, and extend to them our alliance and protection, till they shall have acquired strength; and to send vessels at the same time to other parts of the world for an equal
number of white inhabitants; to induce whom to migrate
hither, proper encouragements were to be proposed. It will
probably be asked, Why not retain and incorporate the blacks
into the State, and thus save the expense of supplying, by
importation of white settlers, the vacancies they will leave?
Deep-rooted prejudices entertained by the whites; ten thousand recollections by the blacks of the injuries they have sustained; new provocations; the real distinctions which Nature
has made; and many other circumstances, will divide us into
parties, and produce convulsions, which will probably never
end but in the extermination of the one or the other race.
To these objections, which are political, may be added others,
which are physical and moral. The first difference which
strikes us is that of color. Whether the black of the negro
resides in the reticular membrane between the skin and scarf
skin, or in the scarf skin itself; whether it proceeds from the
color of the blood, the color of the bile, or from that of some
other secretion, the difference is fixed in Nature, and is as real
as if its seat and cause were better known to us. And is this
difference of no importance? Is it not the foundation of a
greater or less share of beauty in the two races? Are not
the fine mixtures of red and white, the expressions of every
passion by greater or less suffusions of color in the one, preferable to that eternal monotony which reigns in the countenances, that immovable veil of black which covers all the emotions of the other race? Add to these flowing hair, a more
elegant symmetry of form, their own judgment in favor of
the whites, declared by their preference of them, as uniformly
as is the preference of the Oranootan [orangutan] for the black women over those of
his own species. The circumstance of superior beauty is thought worthy
attention in the propagation of our horses, dogs, and other domestic
animals; why not in that of man? Besides those of color, figure and
hair, there are other physical distinctions proving a difference of
race. They have less hair on the face and body. They secrete less by the
kidneys, and more by the glands of the skin, which gives them a
very strong and disagreeable odor. This greater degree of
transpiration renders them more tolerant of heat, and less so
of cold, than the whites. Perhaps, too, a difference of structure in the pulmonary apparatus, which a late ingenious experimentalist
has discovered to be the principal regulator of
animal heat, may have disabled them from extricating, in the
act of inspiration, so much of that fluid from the outer air, or
obliged them in expiration, to part with more of it. They
seem to require less sleep. A black, after hard labor through
the day, will be induced by the slightest amusements to sit up
till midnight, or later, though knowing he must be out with
the first dawn of the morning. They are at least as brave,
and more adventuresome. But this may perhaps proceed
from a want of forethought, which prevents their seeing a
danger till it be present. When present, they do not go
through it with more coolness or steadiness than the whites.
They are more ardent after their female; but love seems with
them to be more an eager desire than a tender delicate mixture of sentiment and sensation. Their griefs are transient.
Those numberless afflictions, which render it doubtful whether
Heaven has given life to us in mercy or in wrath, are less felt,
and sooner forgotten with them. In general, their existence
appears to participate more of sensation than reflection. To
this must be ascribed their disposition to sleep when abstracted from their diversions, and unemployed in labor. An
animal whose body is at rest, and who does not reflect, must
be disposed to sleep of course. Comparing them by their
faculties of memory, reason, and imagination, it appears to
me that in memory they are equal to the whites; in reason
much inferior, as I think one could scarcely be found capable
of tracing and comprehending the investigations of Euclid;
and that in imagination they are dull, tasteless and anomalous. It would
be unfair to follow them to Africa for this investigation. We will consider them here on the same stage
with the whites, and where the facts are not apocryphal on
which a judgment is to be formed. It will be right to make
great allowances for the difference of condition, of education,
of conversation, of the sphere in which they move. Many
millions of them have been brought to, and born in America.
Most of them, indeed, have been confined to tillage, to their
own homes, and their own society; yet many have been so
situated, that they might have availed themselves of the conversation of their masters; many have been brought up to
the handicraft arts, and from that circumstance have always
been associated with the whites. Some have been liberally
educated, and all have lived in countries where the arts and
sciences are cultivated to a considerable degree, and have had
before their eyes samples of the best works from abroad.
The Indians, with no advantages of this kind, will often carve
figures on their pipes not destitute of design and merit.
They will crayon out an animal, a plant, or a country, so as
to prove the existence of a germ in their minds which only
wants cultivation. They astonish you with strokes of the
most sublime oratory; such as prove their reason and sentiment strong, their imagination glowing and elevated. But
never yet could I find that a black had uttered a thought
above the level of plain narration; never seen even an elementary trait of painting or sculpture. In music they are
more generally gifted than the whites with accurate ears for
tune and time, and they have been found capable of imagining a small catch.
Whether they will be equal to the composition of a more extensive run of melody, or of complicated harmony, is yet to be proved. Misery is often the parent of the most affecting touches in poetry. Among the
blacks is misery enough, God knows, but no poetry. Love is
the peculiar oestrum of the poet. Their love is ardent, but it
kindles the senses only, not the imagination. Religion, indeed, has produced a Phyllis Whately; but it could not produce a poet. The compositions published under her name are
below the dignity of criticism. The heroes of the Dunciad
are to her as Hercules to the author of that poem. Ignatius
Sancho has approached nearer to merit in composition; yet
his letters do more honor to the heart than the head. They
breathe the purest effusions of friendship and general philanthropy, and shew how great a degree of the latter may be
compounded with strong religious zeal. He is often happy in
the turn of his compliments, and his style is easy and familiar, except when he affects a Shandean fabrication of words.
But his imagination is wild and extravagant, escapes incessantly from every restraint of reason and taste, and, in the
course of its vagaries, leaves a tract of thought as incoherent
and eccentric as is the course of a meteor through the sky.
His subjects should often have led him to a process of sober
reasoning; yet we find him always substituting sentiment for
demonstration. Upon the whole, though we admit him to the
first place among those of his own color who have presented
themselves to the public judgment, yet when we compare him
with the writers of the race among whom he lived, and particularly with the epistolary class in which he has taken his own
stand, we are compelled to enroll him at the bottom of the
column. This criticism supposes the letters published under
his name to be genuine, and to have received amendment from
no other hand; points which would not be of easy investigation. The improvement of the blacks in body and mind, in
the first instance of their mixture with the whites, has been
observed by every one, and proves that their inferiority is not
the effect merely of their condition of life. We know that
among the Romans, about the Augustan age especially, the
condition of their slaves was much more deplorable than that
of the blacks on the continent of America. The two sexes
were confined in separate apartments, because to raise a child
cost the master more than to buy one. Cato, for a very restricted indulgence to his slaves in this particular, took
from
them a certain price. But in this country the slaves multiply
as fast as the free inhabitants. Their situation and manners
place the commerce between the two sexes almost without restraint. The same Cato, on a principle of economy, always
sold his sick and superannuated slaves. He gives it as a
standing precept to a master visiting his farm, to sell his old
oxen, old wagons, old tools, old and diseased servants, and
every thing else become useless: "Vendat boves vetulos,
plaustrum vetus, serramenta Vetera, servum senem, servum
morbosum, & si quid aliud supersit vendat." — Cato de re
rustica, c. 2. The American slaves cannot enumerate this
among the injuries and insults they receive. It was the common practice
to expose in the island of Aesculapius, in the Tyber, diseased slaves, whose cure was like to become tedious. The Emperor Claudius by an edict gave freedom to
such of them as should recover, and first declared that if any
person chose to kill rather than to expose them, it should be
deemed homicide. The exposing them is a crime, of which
no instance has existed with us; and were it to be followed by
death, it would be punished capitally. We are told of a certain Vedius Pollio,
who, in the presence of Augustus, would have given a slave
as food to his fish for having broken a glass. With the Romans, the regular method of taking the
evidence of their slaves was under torture. Here it has been
thought better never to resort to their evidence. When a
master was murdered, all his slaves in the same house, or
within hearing, were condemned to death. Here punishment
falls on the guilty only, and as precise proof is required
against him as against a freeman. Yet notwithstanding these
and other discouraging circumstances among the Romans,
their slaves were often their rarest artists. They excelled,
too, in science, insomuch as to be usually employed as tutors
to their master's children. Epictetus, Diogenes, Phaedon,
Terence, and Phaedrus, were slaves. But they were of the
race of whites. It is not their condition then, but Nature,
which has produced the distinction....
Notwithstanding these considerations, which must weaken
their respect for the laws of property, we find among them
numerous instances of the most rigid integrity, and as many
as among their better instructed masters, of benevolence,
gratitude, and unshaken fidelity. The opinion that they are
inferior in the faculties of reason and imagination, must be
hazarded with great diffidence. To justify a general
conclusion, requires many observations, even where the
subject may be submitted to the anatomical knife, to optical
glasses, to analysis by fire, or by solvents. How much more
then where it is a faculty, not a substance, we are
examining; where it eludes the research of all the senses;
where the conditions of its existence are various, and
variously combined; where the effects of those which are
present or absent bid defiance to calculation; let me add too, as a circumstance of great tenderness, where our conclusion would degrade a whole race of
men from the rank in the scale of beings which their Creator
may perhaps have given them. To our reproach it must be
said, that though for a century and a half we have had under
our eyes the races of black and of red men, they have never
yet been viewed by us as subjects of natural history. I advance it therefore as a suspicion only, that the blacks, whether
originally a distinct race, or made distinct by time and circumstances, are inferior to the whites in the endowments both
of body and mind. It is not against experience to suppose
that different species of the same genus, or varieties of the
same species, may possess different qualifications. Will not a
lover of natural history then, one who views the gradations in
all the races of animals with the eye of philosophy, excuse
an effort to keep those in the department of man as distinct
as Nature has formed them? This unfortunate difference of
color, and perhaps of faculty, is a powerful obstacle to the
emancipation of these people. Many of their advocates,
while they wish to vindicate the liberty of human nature, are
anxious also to preserve its dignity and beauty. Some of
these, embarrassed by the question, "What further is to be
done with them?" join themselves in opposition with those
who are actuated by sordid avarice only. Among the Romans
emancipation required but one effort. The slave, when made
free, might mix with, without staining the blood of his master.
But with us a second is necessary, unknown to history. When
freed, he is to be removed beyond the reach of mixture.
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Notes on the State of Virginia, by Thomas Jefferson |