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ADNAN KHASHOGGI LINKED TO 911 TERRORISTS

Part 1

by Alex Constantine

Decades before burning skyscrapers, codified torture, secret trials and mass detentions, there was Barrick Gold, a mining concern in Canada with roots in the American intelligence establishment. It is fitting that gold, the seductive but dead heart of world capitalism, should christen a story about the most unconscionable event in Wall Street history: 911.

Barrick's incorporation is obscure. Most accounts claim that the firm was founded by Peter Munk, a former radio manufacturer who made a splash in the Canadian press when he disposed of his shares in the company shortly before it was declared insolvent, a golden parachute paid for by investors and the Canadian taxpayer. His name was instantly mud in the investment community, but fortunately for Munk, no indictment was ever brought against him.

Today, his overall worth is estimated at $350 million.1 Munk's redemption was the work of Adnan Khashoggi, who would go on to notoriety as an Ollie North intermediary in the Iran-Contra affair. Khashoggi and Munk kicked off their partnership with a series of hotel investments. In 1983, he raided his fat cash reserves to purchase Barrick. Munk was installed as chairman.

Khashoggi distanced himself from Barrick shortly after the Iran-Contra scandal broke (but held onto his stock, tied up as collateral for North's arms transfers to Iran in 1985), notes Observer reporter Gregg Palast in a book on the 2000 presidential election, before Bush was invited in. That was in 1995: "Munk's reputation was restored, at least in his own mind, in part by massive donations to the University of Toronto. Following this act of philanthropy, the university awarded Munk-adviser Bush an honorary degree. Several students were arrested protesting what appeared to them as a cash-for-honors deal."2

The bonds were positively Sicilian. In 1986, Khashoggi was arrested for fraud and held in a New York prison. Munk paid his $4 million bail.3

Financial researcher Lois Battuello was Palast's key source of information concerning Barrick. It was Battuello who gave Palast a file on Barrick Resources International (BRI), the nascent firm founded two years before Barrick Gold, a spin-off, by the Central Intelligence Agency's Kermit Roosevelt to serve as a dummy business front.

This was roughly the same time that Roosevelt cemented relations with Khashoggi, who brought Munk along, on behalf of the CIA. In 1983, Battuello says, the disgraced entrepeneur "picked up the mantle of this clandestine front (read looted taxpayer dollars) in Toronto as though it was his operation. It was simply put together with evil money, and it gave Adnan Khashoggi an excuse to be visible in Toronto, where he established yet more businesses and outposts."4 The offshore division of Khashoggi's Barrick Resources, for instance, controlled Jetborne, Inc., a company in Toronto used by Khashoggi to ship arms to Iran under the direction of Reagan's NSC.5

Khashoggi's empire, raised on a bed of gold, metastasized rapidly. In 1973, he dropped in his burgeoning portfolio a company in possession of nearly two million acres of prime real estate, the Arizona-Colorado Land & Cattle Company -- not far from the 100,000 acre Paloma Ranch near Gila Bend, deeded to the CIA's Kermit Roosevelt and John B. Anderson.6

Two years later, in cahoots with Sheik Kamal Adham -- then director of Saudi intelligence (1963-79), brother-in-law of King Faisal and the CIA's key liaison to the Arab world -- Khashoggi founded Oryx.

But the Saudi Sheik's thieving bonds with Khashoggi and the CIA were forged decades earlier, with the incorporation of Barrick. The company's seed investors were Saudis with Agency ties, including Shiek Kamal Adham, Adnan Khashoggi, and Prince Nawaf bin Abdul Aziz (a major investor in Barrick, code-named "Tumbleweed" by his CIA contacts).7 By 1978, Adham was worth roughly $134 million.

It was but two years earlier that the son of Prescott Bush, a well-heeled CIA director, struck up an alliance with Saudi Arabia and Iran under the Shah. George H.W. Bush's left-hand man at Langley was Kamal Adham. After leaving the CIA in January, 1977, Bush was appointed to the executive committee chair of First International Bancshares (FIB), the largest bank in the District of Columbia. (In the 1980s, the Sheik and Abdul Khalil ((Adham's successor as Saudi intelligence director)), then officers of BCCI, were implicated in a hostile bid for FIB, by this time transmogrified into a dummy front for its scandal-infested parent, BCCI.)

Raymond Close, another revolving-door, covert dervish, CIA station chief in Saudi Arabia, took arms from the Saudis and gave them to Pakistan, and in the 70s left the Agency and went to work for BCCI director Kamal Adham.

Majority shares in Capcom, a BCCI subsidiary, were held by Saudi spooks Adham and Khalil. Capcom sidelines included money laundering and drug trafficking.8 Adham was eventually prosecuted for fraud in the BCCI case and paid a $100 million fine.

Oryx, the demonic corporate brat of Khashoggi and Adham, has recently been linked by investigative reporter Daniel Hopsicker (Welcome to Terrorland) to Wallace Hilliard, proprietor of Huffman Aviation in Florida, where Mohammed Atta's suicide cult trained in aero-terrorism.

Of the 220 flight schools in Florida, Atta had to pick Huffman.

Wallace Hilliard, Khashoggi's lackey, bought Huffman Aviation in 1999, and hired Rudi Dekkers, a Dutchman, to run it. The following year, Hilliard's LearJet was stopped on the runway at Orlando Executive Airport by armed DEA agents.

At Huffman, too, the CIA was a silent partner. Sander Hickes, a reporter for the Long Island Press, found that Hilliard "did business with Myron Du Bain, who worked alongside late ex-CIA director John McCone on the boards of several banks. Du Bain was chairman of the Fireman's Fund Insurance Company in 1981 when the company announced plans to acquire Employers Health, an insurance company cofounded by Hilliard."9

In July, Daniel Hopsicker, after a two-year investigation into Huffman Aviation, offered from his MadCowMorningNews web soapbox the suggestion that Mohammed Atta had been engaged "in a lucrative drug trafficking operation which linked Osama bin Laden's thugs and drug lieutenants to their equally-thuggish American counterparts. This places the two terrorists at the same airport where DEA agents brandishing submachine guns seized a Lear jet belonging to the owner of the flight school [Hilliard] where Atta and Al-shehhi were taking lessons ... at that very moment."

DEA agents, Hopsicker wrote, "discovered 43 pounds of heroin aboard Hilliard's Lear. The Orlando Sentinel hailed the bust as the largest seizure in Central Florida's history.' After we'd learned the whole story, we discovered the bust had been an accident, carried out by low-level DEA operatives not clued-in to the protected nature of the trade. Nor was this the only time Hilliard's name came up in connection with narcotics trafficking."10

Likewise, Hilliard's Saudi boss would soon be immersed in criminal activity of his own -- with direct ties to terrorism -- in Armenia. Banking fraud was rampant there, Global News Wire reported in August, 2004, "thanks to the Arab millionaire Adnan Khashoggi -- an active partner of Armenian businessmen in the illicit drug and arms trades." Khashoggi's first bucket-shop banking operation was a branch of the Caucasus Investment Bank in Susa. In quick succession, with the assistance of Abu Muslum, an Arab businessman, he opened the Hamaz and Beit ul-Muqaddas banks.

Rovsan Novruzoglu, a political scientist and director of the International Strategic Research Center in Azerbaijan, observes that Adnan Khashoggi's banks "played a big part in the formation of terrorist camps and in the opening of laboratories for developing chemical and bacteriological weapons in Nagornyy Karabakh."11

Back home, Hilliard's flight school, as Hopsicker reported, "was training dozens of terrorists to fly -- including both pilots crashing into the World Trade Center."

_______________

Notes:

1) Greg Palast, "Poppy Strikes Gold," excerpt from The Best Democracy Money Can Buy," http://www.democraticunderground.com/articles/03/07/09_gold.html.

Poppy Strikes Gold

Sunday, April 27, 2008
Originally Posted July 9, 2003
By Greg Palast

This excerpt is taken from Greg Palast's book The Best Democracy Money Can Buy available from www.gregpalast.com

George W. could not have amassed this pile if his surname were Jones or Smith. While other candidates begged, pleaded and wheedled for donations, the Bushes added a creative, lucrative new twist to the money chase that contenders couldn't imitate: "Poppy" Bush's post–White House work. It laid the foundation for Dubya's campaign kitty corpulence and, not incidentally, raised the family's net worth by several hundred percent.

In 1998, for example, the former president and famed Desert Stormtrooper-in-Chief wrote to the oil minister of Kuwait on behalf of Chevron Oil Corporation. Bush says, honestly, that he "had no stake in the Chevron operation." True, but following this selfless use of his influence, the oil company put $657,000 into the Republican Party coffers.

That year Bush père created a storm in Argentina when he lobbied his close political ally, President Carlos Menem, to grant a gambling license to Mirage Casino Corporation. Once again, the senior Bush wrote that he had no personal interest in the deal. However, Bush fils made out quite nicely: After the casino fiap, Mirage dropped $449,000 into the Republican Party war chest.

Much of Bush's loot, reports the Center for Responsive Politics, came in the form of "bundled" and "soft" money. That's the squishy stuff corporations use to ooze around U.S. law, which prohibits any direct donations from corporations.

Not all of the elder Bush's work is voluntary. His single talk to the board of Global Crossing, the telecom start-up, earned him stock worth $13 million when the company went public. Global Crossing's employees also kicked in another million for the younger Bush's run. (We'll meet Global Crossing again in Chapter 3.)

And while the Bush family steadfastly believes that ex-felons should not have the right to vote for president, they have no objection to ex-cons putting presidents on their payroll. In 1996, despite pleas by U.S. church leaders, Poppy Bush gave several speeches (he charges $100,000 per talk) sponsored by organizations run by Rev. Sun Myung Moon, cult leader, tax cheat—and formerly the guest of the U.S. federal prison system. Some of the loot for the Republican effort in the 1997–2000 election cycles came from an outfit called Barrick Corporation.

The sum, while over $100,000, is comparatively small change for the GOP, yet it seemed quite a gesture for a corporation based in Canada. Technically, the funds came from those associated with the Canadian's U.S. unit, Barrick Gold Strike.

They could well afford it. In the final days of the Bush (Senior) administration, the Interior Department made an extraordinary but little noticed change in procedures under the 1872 Mining Law, the gold rush–era act that permitted those whiskered small-time prospectors with their tin pans and mules to stake claims on their tiny plots. The department initiated an expedited procedure for mining companies that allowed Barrick to swiftly lay claim to the largest gold find in America. In the terminology of the law, Barrick could "perfect its patent" on the estimated $10 billion in ore—for which Barrick paid the U.S. Treasury a little under $10,000. Eureka!

Barrick, of course, had to put up cash for the initial property rights and the cost of digging out the booty (and the cost of donations, in smaller amounts, to support Nevada's Democratic senator, Harry Reid). Still, the shift in rules paid off big time: According to experts at the Mineral Policy Center of Washington, DC, Barrick saved—and the U.S. taxpayer lost—a cool billion or so. Upon taking office, Bill Clinton's new interior secretary, Bruce Babbitt, called Barrick's claim the "biggest gold heist since the days of Butch Cassidy." Nevertheless, because the company followed the fast-track process laid out for them under Bush, this corporate Goldfinger had Babbitt by the legal nuggets. Clinton had no choice but to give them the gold mine while the public got the shaft.

Barrick says it had no contact whatsoever with the president at the time of the rules change.[1] There was always a place in Barrick's heart for the older Bush—and a place on its payroll. In 1995, Barrick hired the former president as Honorary Senior Advisor to the Toronto company's International Advisory Board. Bush joined at the suggestion of former Canadian prime minister Brian Mulroney, who, like Bush, had been ignominiously booted from office. I was a bit surprised that the president had signed on. When Bush was voted out of the White House, he vowed never to lobby or join a corporate board. The chairman of Barrick openly boasts that granting the title "Senior Advisor" was a sly maneuver to help Bush tiptoe around this promise.

I was curious: What does one do with a used president? Barrick vehemently denies that it appointed Bush "in order to procure him to make contact with other world leaders whom he knows, or who could be of considerable assistance" to the company. Yet, in September 1996, Bush wrote a letter to help convince Indonesian dictator Suharto to give Barrick a new, hot gold-mining concession.

Bush's letter seemed to do the trick. Suharto took away 68 percent of the world's largest goldfield from the finder of the ore and handed it to Barrick. However, Bush's lobbying magic isn't invincible. Jim Bob Moffett, a tough old Louisiana swamp dog who heads Freeport-McMoRan, Barrick's American rival, met privately with Suharto. When Suharto emerged from their meeting, the kleptocrat announced that Freeport would replace Bush's Canadians. (Barrick lucked out: The huge ore deposit turned out to be a hoax. When the con was uncovered, Jim Bob's associates invited geologist Mike de Guzman, who "discovered" the gold, to talk about the error of his ways. Unfortunately, on the way to the meeting, de Guzman fell out of a helicopter.)

Who is this "Barrick" to whom our former president would lease out the reflected prestige of the Oval Office? I could not find a Joe Barrick in the Canadian phone book. Rather, the company as it operates today was founded by one Peter Munk. The entrepreneur first came to public notice in Canada in the 1960s as a central figure in an insider trading scandal. Munk had dumped his stock in a stereo-making factory he controlled just before it went belly up, leaving other investors and government holding the bag. He was never charged, but, notes Canada's Maclean's magazine, the venture and stock sale "cost Munk his business and his reputation." Yet today, Munk's net worth is estimated at $350 million, including homes on two continents and his own island.

How did he go from busted stereo maker to demi-billionaire goldbug? The answer: Adnan Khashoggi, the Saudi arms dealer, the "bag man" in the Iran-Contra arms-for-hostage scandals. The man who sent guns to the ayatolla teamed up with Munk on hotel ventures and, ultimately, put up the cash to buy Barrick in 1983, then a tiny company with an "unperfected" claim on the Nevada mine. You may recall that Bush pardoned the coconspirators who helped Khashoggi arm the Axis of Evil, making charges against the sheik all but impossible. (Bush pardoned the conspirators not as a favor to Khashoggi, but to himself.)

Khashoggi got out of Barrick just after the Iran-Contra scandal broke, long before 1995, when Bush was invited in. By that time, Munk's reputation was restored, at least in his own mind, in part by massive donations to the University of Toronto. Following this act of philanthropy, the university awarded Munk–adviser Bush an honorary degree. Several students were arrested protesting what appeared to them as a cash-for-honors deal.

Mr. Munk's president-for-hire did not pay the cost of his rental in Indonesia. The return on Barrick's investment in politicians would have to come from Africa.

Mobutu Sese Seko, the late dictator of the Congo (Zaire), was one of the undisputed master criminals of the last century having looted hundreds of millions of dollars from his national treasury— and a golfing buddy of the senior Bush. That old link from the links probably did not hurt Barrick in successfully seeking an eighty-thousand-acre gold-mining concession from the Congolese cutthroat. Bush himself did not lobby the deal for Barrick. It wasn't that the former president was squeamish about using the authority of his former posts to cut deals with a despot. Rather, at the time Bush was reportedly helping Adolf Lundin, Barrick's sometime industry rival. Africa specialist Patrick Smith of London disclosed that Bush called Mobutu in 1996 to help cinch a deal for Lundin for a mine distant from Barrick's.

Rebellion against Mobutu made the mine site unusable, though not for the company's lack of trying. In testimony in hearings convened by the minority leader of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Human Rights, expert Wayne Madsen alleged that Barrick, to curry favor with both sides, indirectly funded both and thereby inadvertently helped continue the bloody conflict. The allegation, by respected journalist Wayne Madsen, has not been substantiated: The truth is lost somewhere in the jungle, where congressional investigators will never tread.

Though Barrick struck out in Indonesia and the Congo, the big payoff came from the other side of the continent. The company's president bragged to shareholders that the prestige of the Mulroney-Bush advisory board was instrumental in obtaining one of the biggest goldfields in East Africa at Bulyanhulu, Tanzania. Barrick, according to its president, had hungered for that concession—holding an estimated $3 billion in bullion—since the mid-1990s, when it first developed its contacts with managers at Sutton Resources, another Canadian company, which held digging rights from the government. (See footnote 1.) Enriched by the Nevada venture, Barrick could, and eventually would, buy up Sutton. But in 1996, there was a problem with any takeover of Sutton: Tens of thousands of small-time prospectors, "jewelry miners," so called because of their minuscule finds, already lived and worked on the land. These poor African diggers held legal claim stakes to their tiny mine shafts on the property. If they stayed, the concession was worthless.

In August 1996, Sutton's bulldozers, backed by military police firing weapons, rolled across the goldfield, smashing down worker housing, crushing their mining equipment and filling in their pits. Several thousand miners and their families were chased off the property. But not all of them. About fifty miners were still in their mine shafts, buried alive.

Buried alive. It's not on Bush's resume, nor on Barrick's Web site. You wouldn't expect it to be. But then, you haven't found it in America's newspapers either.

There are two plausible explanations for this silence. First, it never happened; the tale of the live burials is a complete fabrication of a bunch of greedy, lying Black Africans trying to shake down Sutton Resources (since 1999, a Barrick subsidiary). That's what Barrick says after conducting its own diligence investigation and relying on local and national investigations by the Tanzanian government. And the company's view is backed by the World Bank. See Chapter 8 of my book "The Best Democracy Money Can Buy" for more on this.[2]

There's another explanation: Barrick threatens and sues newspapers and human rights organizations that dare to breathe a word of the allegations—even if Barrick's denials are expressed. I know: They sued my papers, the Observer and Guardian. Barrick even sent a letter to the internationally respected human rights lawyer Tundu Lissu, a fellow at the World Resources Institute in Washington, DC, outlining its suit against the Observer and warning that it would take "all necessary steps" to protect its reputation should the Institute repeat any of the allegations. Barrick's threats are the least of Lissu's problems. For supplying me with evidence—photos of a corpse of a man allegedly killed by police during the clearance of the mine site, notarized witness statements, even a police video of workers seeking bodies from the mine pits—and for Lissu's demanding investigation of the killings, his law partners in Dar es Salaam have been arrested and Lissu charged by the Tanzanian government with sedition.

In 1997, while Bush was on the board (he quit in 1999), Mother Jones magazine named Barrick's chairman Munk one of America's "10 Little Piggies"—quite an honor for a Canadian—for allegedly poisoning the West's water supply with the tons of cyanide Barrick uses to melt mountains of ore.

Notably, one of the first acts of the junior Bush's Interior Department in 2001 was to indicate it would reverse Clinton administration rules requiring gold extractors to limit the size of waste dumps and to permit new mines even if they were likely to cause "substantial, irreparable harm." The New York Times ran a long, front-page story on this rule-relaxing windfall for Nevada goldmining companies, but nowhere did the Times mention the name of the owner of the largest gold mine in Nevada, Barrick, nor its recent payroller, the president's father.

________________

[1] Barrick has responded to every allegation reported in my first report on the company in a manner certain to get my attention: The company and its chairman sued my papers, Guardian and the Observer. While I have a distaste for retort by tort, I have incorporated their legitimate concerns to ensure their views are acknowledged in Chapter 8 of my book "The Best Democracy Money Can Buy."

[2] A bit of confusion here: Barrick swore to my paper that the alleged killings "related to a time years before [Barrick] had any connection whatsoever with the company to which the report referred." Yet Barrick's president and CEO, Randall Oliphant, told Barrick's shareholders that prior to their acquisition of Sutton, "we followed the progress at Bully (i.e., Bulyanhulu) for five years, remaining in close contact with the senior management team." That would connect them to the mine in 1994. The mining company wants me to report their version of events. Okay, here's both of them.

Greg Palast is an investigative reporter for BBC television and author of the New York Times bestseller, The Best Democracy Money Can Buy (Penguin/Plume 2003). You can read more of Greg's writings and order the book at www.gregpalast.com.

2) Ibid.

3) Greg Palast, "Best democracy money can buy: Gregory Palast examines the sources of the $500m that boosted Bush's bid for the White House," Observer, November 26, 2000.

4) Lois Ann Battuello, e-mail exchange with author, October 1, 2004.

5) Ibid. Today, Khashoggi has interests in some 1500 companies, and indirect involvement in others. The second largest shareholder in Ruppert Murdoch's News Corp., for instance, is Prince Walid bin Talal bin Abdulaziz as Saud (Prince Alwaleed), a Khashoggi colleague.

6) Ibid.

7) Jay Taylor, "Jay Taylor: J. Taylor's Gold and Technology Stocks" (Volume 22 No. 15), January 3 2004.

8) Martin J. Rivers, "A Wolf in Sheikhs Clothing: Bush Business Deals with 9 Partners of bin Laden's Banker," Geocities, March 15, 2004.

9) Sander Hicks, "No Easy Answer - Heroin, Al Qaeda And The Florida Flight School," Long Island Press, February 19, 2004.

10) Daniel Hopsicker, "9/11's Big Dirty Secret," MadCowMorningNews, July 19 2004, http://www.madcowprod.com.

11) M. Macidli, "Azerbaijani Daily Outlines Activities of International Armenian Haybun Organization," Global News Wire, August 27, 2003

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