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CHURCH COMMITTEE REPORTS

D. USING COVERT ACTION TO DISRUPT AND DISCREDIT
DOMESTIC GROUPS
MAJOR FINDING
The Committee finds that covert action programs have been used to
disrupt the lawful political activities of individual Americans and
groups and to discredit them, using dangerous and degrading tactics
which are abhorrent in a free and decent society.
8ubfindings
(a) Although the claimed purposes of these action programs were
to protect the national security and to prevent violence, many of the
victims were concededly nonviolent, were not controlled by a foreign
power, and posed no threat to the national security.
(b) The acts taken interfered with the First Amendment rights of
citizens. They were explicitly intended to deter citizens from joining
groups, "neutralize" those who were already members, and prevent
or inhibit the expression of ideas.
(c) The tactics used against Americans often risked l1nd sometimes
caused serious emotional, economic, or physical damage. Actions
were taken which were designed to break up marriages, terminate
funding or employment, and encourage gang warfare between violent
rival groups. Due process of law forbids the use of such covert tactics,
whether the victims are innocent law-abiding citizens or members of
groups suspected of involvement in violence.
. (d) The sustained use of such tactics by the FBI in an attempt to
destroy Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., violated the law and fundamental
human decency.
Elaboration of the Findings
For fifteen years from 1956 until 1971, the FBI carried out a series
of covert action programs directed against American citizens.l
These "counterintelligence programs" (shortened to the acronym
COINTELPRO) resulted in part from frustration with Supreme
Court rulings limiting the Government's power to proceed overtly
against dissident groups.2
1 Before 1956 the FBI engaged in acti,ities to disrupt and discredit Communists
and (before World War II) Fascists. but not as part of a formal program. The
Bureau is the only agency which carried on a sustainE'd effort to "nE'utralize"
domE'stic groups. althou!!h othE'r agE'ncies madE' sporadic attE'mpts to disrupt dissidE'nt
groups. (SE'e Military Sur,E'ilIancE' RE'port ; IRS Report.)
• The Bureau personnel in,ol,ed in COINTELPRO link the first formal counterintelligencE'
program. against thp Communist Party. USA. to the SuprE'me
Court re,ersal of the Smith Act con'ictions. which "made it impossihle to prosecute
Communist Party memhers at the timE'''. (COTKTELPRO unit chief.
10/16/75, p. 14.) It should be noted. hmw,er, that thE' Court's re,ersal occurred
in 191)7. the yE'ar after the program wa~ instituted. This helief in the deficiencies
of the law was a major factor in the four subsequE'nt programs as well: "ThE'
othE'r COT:"ITELPRO programs WE'rE' opE'nPd as thE' thrE'at arosE' in arE'as of
extrE'mism and suh,E'rsion and thE'rE' WE'rE' not aOE'quatE' statutE's to prOCf'E'd
against thE' organization or to pre,ent their acti'itiE's." (COINTELPRO Unit
Chief, 10/16/75, p. 15.)
(211 )
212
They ended formally in 1971 with the threat of public exposure.s
Some of the findings discussed herein are related to the findings on
lawlessness, overbreadth, and intrusive techniques previously set
forth. Some of the most offensive actions in the FBI's COT~TEL
PRO programs (anonymous letters intended to break up marriages, or
efforts to deprive people of their jobs, for example) were based upon
the covert use of information obtained through owrly-broad investigations
and intrusin techniques.4 Similarly, as noted abm-e, COINTELPRO
involnd specific violations of law. and the law and the
Constitution were "not [given] a thought" under the FBI's policies.5
But COIKTELPRO ,vas more than simply violating the law or
the Constitution. In COINTELPRO the Bureau secretly G took the
law into its own hands, going beyond the collection of inte'lligence and
beyond its law enforcement function to act outside the legal process
altogether and to covertly disrupt, discredit and harass groups and
individuals. A law enforcement agency must not secretly usurp the
functions of judge and jury, even when the investigation reveals criminal
activity. But in COINTELPRO, the Bureau imposed summary
punishment, not only on the allegedly violent, but also on the nonviolent
advocates of change. Such action is the hallmark of the vigilante
and has no place in a democratic society.
Under COINTELPRO, certain techniques the Bureau had used
against hostile foreign agents were adopted for use against perceived
domestic threats to the established political and social order.7
Some of the targets of COINTELPRO were law-abiding citizens
merely advocating change in our society. Other targets were members
3 For further information on the termination of each of the programs, see The
Accountability and Control Findings, p. 265 and the detailed reports on the Black
Panther Party and COINTELPRO.
Although the programs have been formally terminated, Bureau witnesses
agree that there is a "grey area" between "counter-intelligence" and investigative
activities which are inherently disruptive. These investi!!:ative activities
continue. (See COI~TELPROReport: "Command and Control-The Problems of
Oversight.")
• Information gained from electronic surveillance. informant coverage, burglaries,
and confidential financial records was used in COI~TELPRO.
p.275.)
• Moore, 11/3/75, p. 83.
e Field offices were instructed that no one outside the Bureau was to know
that COINTELPRO existed, although certain persons in the executive branch
and in Congress were told about-and did not objert t()----('fforts to disrupt the
CPlTSA and the Klan. However. no one was told about the other COIXTELPRO
pro!!:rams, or about the more dangerous and degrading techniques employed. (See
p. 275.)
7 As the Chief of the Racial Intelligence Section put it :
"You can trace [the origins of COINTELPROJ up and hack to foreign intel·
ligence, particularly penetration of the group by the individual informant. Before
yOIl can engage in counterintelligenre you must have intelligence.... If
you have good intelligence and know what it's going to do. you can seed distrust,
sow misinformation. The same technique is used, misinformation. disruption.
is used in the domestic groups, although in the domestic groups you are dealing
in '67 and '68 with many, many more across the country ... than you had ever
dealt "'ith as far as your foreign groups." (Moore, 11/3/7;-;. pp. 32-33.)
Former Assistant Director 'William C. Sullivan also testified that the "rough,
tough, dirty business" of forei!!:ll counterintelligence was "hrought home against
any organization against which we were targeted. 'Ve did not differentiate."
(Sullivan, 11/1/75, pp. 97-98.)
213
of groups that had been involved in violence, such as the Ku Klux
Klan or the Black Panther Party. Some victims did nothing more than
associate with targets.8
The Committee does not condone acts of violence, but the response
of Government to allegations of illegal conduct must comply with the
due process of law demanded by the Constitution. Lawlessness by
citizens does not justify lawlessness by GOYernment.
The tactics which were employed by the Bureau are therefore
unacceptable, even against the alleged criminal. The imprecision of
the targeting compounded the abuse. Once the Gm-ernnwnt decided
to take the law into its own hands, those unacceptable tactics came
almost inevitably to be used not only against the "kid with the bomb"
but also against the "kid with the bumper sticker." 9
8ubfiruling (a)
Although the claimed purposes or these action programs were
to protect the "national security" and to prevent violence, many of
the victims were concededly nonviolent, were not c.ontrolled by a
foreign power, 'and posed no threat to the "national security."
The Bureau conducted five "counterintelligence programs" aimed
against domestic groups: the "Communist Party, USA" program
(1956-71); the "Socialist Workers Party" program (1961-69); the
"White Hate" program (1964-1971); the "Black Nationalist-Hate
Group" program (1967-71); and the "New Left" program (1968-71).
"While the declared purposes of these programs were to protect the
"national security" or prevent violence, Bureau witnesses admit that
many of the targets were nonviolent and most had no connections
with a foreign power. Indeed, nonviolent organizations and individuals
were targeted because the Bureau believed they represented a
"potential" for violence 10 and nonviolent citizens who were against
the war in Vietnam were targeted because they gave "aid and comfort"
to violent demonstrators by lending respectability to their causeY
The imprecision of the targeting is demonstrated by the inability
of the Bureau to define the subjects of the programs. The Black
Nationalist program, according to its supervisor, included "a great
number of organizations that you might not today characterize as
black nationalist but which were in fact primarily black." 12 Thus, the
nonviolent Southern Christian Leadership Conference was labeled as
a Black Nationalist-"Hate Group."
Furthermore, the actual targets were chosen from a far broader
group than the titles of the programs would imply. The CPUSA
program targeted not only Communist Party members but also sponsors
of the National Committee to Abolish the House Un-American
8 For example, parents and spouse, of targets received letters containing accuf'ationf'
of immoral conduct hy the target. (:\I€'morandum from St. Louis Fi€'ld
Office to FBI Headquarters. 1/30/70; memorandum from FBI Headquarters to
~IinneapolisField Office. 11/4/68.)
• Huston. 9/23/75. Hearings, Vol. 2, p. 45.
10 Moore, 11/8/75, p. 37.
11 New Lpft supervisor, 10/28/75, p. 69.
" Black Nationalist Supervisor, 10/17/75, p.12.
214
Activities Committee 14 and civil rights leaders allegedly under Communist
influence or not deemed to be "anti-Communist".15 The
Socialist ,Vorkers Party program included non-SWP sponsors of
antiwar demonstrations which were cosponsored by the S,VP or the
Young Socialist Alliance, its youth group.16 The Black :Nationalist
program targeted a range of organizations from the Panthers to
SKCC to the peaceful Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and
included every Black Student Union and many other black student
grollpsY Xew Left targets ranged from the SDS 18 to the InterUniversity
Committee for Debate on Foreign Policy,19 from Antioch
College ("vanguard of the New Left") 20 to the New :Mexico Free
University and other "alternate" schools,21 and from underground
newspapers 22 to students protesting unh'ersity censorship of a student
publication by carrying signs with four-letter words on them.2l
Subfinding (b)
The acts taken interfered with the First Amendment rights of citizens.
They were explicitly intended to deter citizens from joining
H For example, the entire Unitarian Society of Cleveland was targeted because
the minister and some members circulated a petition calling- for the abolition of
HUAC. and because the Church gave office space to the "Citizens for Constitutional
Rights". (Memorandum from FBI Headquarters to Cleveland Field Office,
11/6/64.)
15 See Finding on "Overbreadth" p. 181.
13 For instance, the Bureau targeted two non-member students who participated
in an anti-war "hunger strike" at Oberlin. which was "guided and directed"
by the Young Socialists Alliance. The students' parents received anonymous letters,
purportedly from a friend of their sons. One letter expressed concern that a
group of "left wing students" were "cynically using" the boy, which would lead to
"injury" to his health and "damage to his academic standing". The other letter
also stated that it was motivated by concern for "damage" to the student's
"health and personal future" and "the belief that you may not be aware of
John's current involvement in left-wing activities." (Memorandum from FBI
headquarters to CleYeland Field Office, 11/29/68.)
17 One proposal sought to expose Black Student Union Chapters as "breeding
grounds for racial militancy" by an anonymous mailing to "all institutions where
there are BSU chapters or incipient chapters". (Memorandum from Portland
Field Office to FBI Headquarters, 6/3/68.)
18 For example Memorandum from FBI Headquarters to San Antonio Field
Office, 10/31/68.
,. An anonymous letter was sent to "influE'ntial" ~nchigan political figures, the
mass media, UnivE'rsity of ~Iichigan administrators, and the Board of RE'gents,
in an attempt to "discredit and nE'utralize" the "communist actiyities" of the
IUCDl<'P. The letter decried the "undue publicity" given anti-war protest
activities which "undoubtedly give 'aid and comfort· to the E'nemy" and encourage
the Vietcong- and the Korth Vietnamese in "refusing to come to the bargaining
table". The letter continued, "I wonder if the strateg-y is to bleed the United
StateR white hy prolonging the war in Vietnam and pave the way for a takeover
by Russia?" (~Iemorandumfrom Detroit Field Office to FBI Headquarters. 10/11/
66: Memorandum from FBI Headquarters. to Detroit Field Office 10/26/66.)
20 Memorandum from FBI Headquarters to Cincinnati Field Office. 6/18/68.
01 The New Mexico Free l'niYersity was targeted because it taught such courses
as "confrontation politics" and "draft counselling". (Memorandum from FBI
Headquarters to AllJUquerquE' Field OfficE'. 3/19/69.) In another case, an "alternatE'''
Rchool for studE'nts "aged five and he~-ond", which was cO-Rponsored by the
ACLU, was targ-eted becauRe "from the staff being assembled, it appears that
the school will be a :'\ew Left venture and of a radical revolutionan' nature".
The Burenu contacted n confidential source in the bank financing the school HO
that he could "take stepR to dise-ourag-e its deYelopments". (:\Iemorandum from
FBI Headquarters to San Antonio Field Olfie-e. 7/23/69.
22 See e,g., Memorandum from FBI Headquarters to Pittsburgh Field Office,
11/14/69.
.. Memorandum from FBI Headquarters to )finneapolis Field Office, 11/4/68.
215
groups~ "neutralize~' those who were already members, and prevent or
inhibit the expression of ideas.
In achieving its purported goals of protecting the national security
and preventing violence. the Bureau attempted to deter membership in
the target groups. As the supenisor of the "Black Nationalist" CO
IXTELPRO stated, "Obviously~you are going to prevent violence or a
greater amount of violence if you have smaller groups." 24 The chief
of the COIXTELPRO unit agreed: ",Ye also made an effort ... to
deter recruitment where we could. This was done with the view that if
,ve could curb the organization. we could curb the action or the violence
within the organization." 20 As noted above~ many of the organizations
"curbed" were not violent, and covert attacks on group
membership contravened the First Amendment~sguarantee of freedom
to associate.
Nor ,vas this the only First Amendment right violated by the
Bureau. In addition to attempting to prevent people from joining or
continuing to be members in target organizations, the Bureau tried
to "deter or counteract" what it called "propaganda" 26-the expression
of ideas which it considered dangerous. Thus, the originating
document for the "Black Nationalist" COINTELPRO noted that
"consideration should be given to techniques to preclude" leaders of
the target organizations "from spreading their philosophy publicly
or through various mass communication media." 21
Instructions to "preclude" free speech were not limited to "black
nationalists;" they occurred ill every program. In the New Left program,
for instance, approximately thirty-nine percent of all actions
attempted to keep targets from speaking, teaching, writing, or
publishing.28
The cases included attempts (sometimes successful) to prompt the
firing of university and high school teachers; 29 to prevent targets
from speaking on campus; 30 to stop chapters of target groups from
2< Black Nationalist supervisor, 10/17/75, p. 24.
.. COINTELPRO unit chief, 10/12/75, p. 54.
2lI ('OIXTELPRO unit chief, 10/12/75, p. 54.
27 :\IE'morandum from FBI Headquarters to all SAC's, 8/25/67.
.. The FBI was not the only intelligence agency to attempt to prevent the
propagation of ideas with which it disagreed, but it was the only one to do so in
any organizE'd way. The IRS responded to Congressional and Administration
pressure by targeting political organizations and dissidents for audit. The CIA
improperly obtained the tax returns of Ramparts magazine after it learned
that thE' mngazinE' intended to puhlish an article revenling- Agency support of
the NationnlStudE'nt Association. The CIA saw the article as "an attack on CIA
in pnrticular and thE' Adminii'tration in gE'neral." (CIA memorandum re: "IRS
BriE'fing on Ramparti'," 2/2/67.)
,. For ini'tanC'e. a high i'C'hool English tE'aC'hE'r wai' targetE'd for inviting two
POE'ts to attend a cIai'i' at hii' schoo!. ThE' poets were noted for their efforts in
the (haft rE'i'istancE' movE'mE'nt. The BurE'au sent anonymous IE'tters to two local
nE'WRpapen;, the Bonrd of FJducation, anrl thE' school hoard. (Memorandum from
FBI Headquarters to Pitti'burgh Fipld OfficE'. 6/19/00.)
30 In onE' case, thE' BnrE'an attE'mptE'd to stop a "Communist" spE'aker from
appparing on campns. The f<poni'oring organization wE'nt to court and won an
ordpr nE'rmitting- the lE'eturE' to procE'ed as schE'duled: the BnrE'au then in,estigatE'd
thE' jndgE' who ii'i'lWd thE' orrlE'r. (:\[E'morandnm from DE'troit FiE'ld OfficE' to
FBI HE'ndqnartE'rs. 10/:?6/flO: 1IE'morandnm from FBI HE'arlQuartE'rs to Detroit
FiE'lrl Offif'E', 10/2i/60. 10/21'/. 10/31/60; :\[l'morandum from F. J. Bnum!!:ardner
to A. H. Belmont, 10/26/60.)
216
being formed; 31 to prevent the distribution of books, newspapers, or
periodicals; 32 to disrupt or cancel news conferences; 33 to interfere
with peaceful demonstrations, including the SCLC's Poor People's
Campaign and 'Washington Spring Project and most of the
large anti-war marches; 34 and to deny facilities for meetings or
conferences.35
As the above cases demonstrate, the FBI was not just "chilling"
free speech, but squarely attacking it.
The tactics used against Americans often risked and sometimes
caused serious emotional, economic, or physical damage. Actions were
taken which were designed to break up marriages, terminate funding
or employment, and encourage gang warfare between violent rival
groups. Due process of law forbids the use of such covert tactics
whether the victims are innocent law-abiding citizens or members
of groups suspected of involvement in violence.
The former head of the Domestic Intelligence Division described
counterintelligence as a "rough, tough, dirty, and dangerous" business.
36 His description was accurate.
One technique used in COINTELPRO involved sending anonymous
letters to spouses intended, in the words of one proposal, to
"produce ill-feeling and possibly a lasting distrust" between husband
and wife, so that "concern over what to do about it" would distract
the target from "time spent in the plots and plans" of the organization.
3
' The image of an agent of the United States Government scrawling
a poison-pen letter to someone's wife in language usually reserved
for bathroom walls is not a happy one. Nevertheless, anonymous let-
S! The Bureau tried on several occasions to prevent the formation of campus
chapters of SDS and the Young Socialist Alliance. (See, e.g., Memorandum from
San Antonio Field Office to FBI Headquarters, 5/1/69; Memorandum from FBI
Headquarters to San Antonio Field Office, 5/1/69.)
.. For example, an anonymous letter to a state legislator protested the distribution
on campus of an underground newspaper's "depravity", (Memorandum from
Newark Field Office to FBI Headquarters, 5/23/69 ; Memorandum from FBI Headquarters
to Newark Field Office, 6/4/69) and thhe Bureau anonymously contacted
the landlady of premisps rented by two "New Left" n"wspapers in an attempt to
have them evicted. (Memorandum from Los Angeles Field Office to FBI Headquarters,
9/9/68; Memorandum from FBI Headquarters to Los Angeles Field Office,
9/23/68.)
13 For example, a confidential source in a radio station was contactpd in two
successful attempts to cancel news conferences. (Memorandum from FBI Headquarters
to Cleveland Field Office, 10/1/65; Memorandum from FBI Headquarters
to Cleveland Field Officp 10/4/65; Memorandum from Boston Fil'ld Office to FBI
Headquarters, 2/5/64 ; Memorandum from F. J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan,
6/25/64.)
.. For instancp, the Burpau used the standard counterespionagp tpchnique of
"disinformation" against demonstrators. In one case. the Chica~o FielO Office
duplicatpd blank forms soliciting housing for demonstrators coming to Chicago
for thl' Democratic National Convl'ntion, fiIll'd them out with fictitious namPfl
and addresses and sent them to the organizers. Demonstratorfl reportpdly made
"lilng anf! Uflpl/"sS journeys til locate thpse addresses." (l\!pillilrandum from
Chicago Field Office to FBI Hl'adquarters. 9/9/68.) The same program was carried
out by the Washington Field Office when housing forms were distributed for demonstrators
coming to the 1969 Presidential inaue-ural cpremonies. (Ml'morandum
from FBI Headquarters til Washington Fil'ld Office. 1110/fl.<l.) Army intelljgpnce
agents occasionally took similar. put wholly llnauthorizpd action, sel' Military
Surveillance Report: Section III: "Domesttic Radio Monitoring by ASA: 19671970."
.. Mpmorandllm from FBI Headquarters to San Diego field officp, 9/11/69.
.. Sullivan. 11/1/75, pp. 97-98.
'" Memorandum from St. Louis Field Office to FBI Headquarters, 2/14/69.
217
tel'S werl?, sent to, among; others, a Klansman's wife, informing her
that hrr husband had "taken the flesh of another unto himsel!," the
other person being; a woman named Ruby, with her "lust filled eyes
and smart alerk figur(';" 3S and to a "Black Nationalist's" wif(' sayinO'
that her husband "been maken it here" with other women in his Ol~
ganization "and than he gives us this jivc bout their better in bed
then you." 39 A husband who was concerned about his wife's activities
in a biracial group received a letter which started, "Look man I guess
your old lady doesn't get enough at home or she wouldn't be shucking
and jiving with our Black Men" in the group.40 The Ficld Office re~
ported as a "tangible result" of this letter that the target and her
husband separated,41
The Bureau also contacted employers and funding organizations in
order to cause the firing of the targets or the termination of their
support.42 For example, priests who allowed their churches to be used
for the Black Panther breakfast programs were targeted, and anonymous
letters were sent to their bishops; 43 a television commrntator
who expressed admiration for a Black Nationalist leadi:'rand criticized
heavy defensi:' spending was transferred after the Bureau contacted
his employer; 44 and an employee of the Urban League was fired after
the FBI approached a "confidential source" in a foundation which
funded the League.45
The Bureau also encouraged "gang warfare" between violent groups.
An FBI memorandum dated November 25, 1968 to certain Field Offices
conducting investigations of the Black Panther Party ordered recipient
offices to submit "imaginative and hard-hitting counterintelligence
measures aimed at crippling the BPP." Proposals were to be
received every two weeks. Particular attention was to be given to
capitalizing npon differences bet\veen the Panthers and US, Inc. (an
other "Black Nationalist" group), which had reached such proportions
that "it is taking on the aura of gang warfare with attendant
threats of murder and reprisals." 45a Oil )lay 26, 1970, after U.S. organization
members had killed four BPP members and members of each
organization had been shot and beaten by members of the other, the
Field Office reported:
Information received from local sources indicate[s] that,
in general, the membership of the Los Angeles TIPP is physically
afraid of US members and take premeditated precautions
to avoid confrontations.
38 Memornndum from Richmond Field Office to FBI Headquarters. 8/26/66.
39 The wife who received this letter was described in the Field Office proposal
as "faithful ... an intelligent respectable young mother who is active in the
A~IE ~Iethodist Church." (~Iemorandumfrom St. Louis Field Office to FBI Headquarters,
2/14/69.)
40 ~Iemorandum from St. Loui" Field Office to FBI Headquarters, 1/30/70.
41 Memorandum from St. Louis Field Office to FBI Headquarters, 6/19/70.
'2 "'hen the target" were tf'achers, the intf'nt was to prevent the propagation of
ideas. In the case of other employer contacts, the purpose was to stop a source
of funds.
'" ~Iemorandum from New Haven Field Office to FBI Headquarters. 11/12/69;
memorandum from FBI Headquarters to San Diego Field Office. 9/9/69.
.. ").Iemorand1llu from FBI Headquarter" to <:incinnati Fif'ld Office. 312Sj69.
45l\I('mornndnm from FBI Headquarters to Pittsburgh Field Office, 3/3/69.
45. Memorandum from FBI Headquarters to Baltimore Field Office, 11/25/68.
218
In view of their anxieties, it is not presently felt that the
Los Angeles BPP can be prompted into what could result
in an internecine struggle between the two organizations. . . .
The Los Angeles Division is aware of the mutually hostile
feelings harbored between the organizations and the first
opportunity to capitalize on the situation will be maximized.
It is intended that US Inc. will be appropriately and discreetly
advised of the time and location of BPP activities in
order'that the two organizations might be brought together
and thus qrant nature the opportunity to take her due
couTse.46 [Emphasis added.]
A second Field Office noted:
Shootings, boo,tings and a high degree of unrest continues
to prevail in the ghetto area of Southeast San Diego. Although
no specific counterintelligence action can be credited
with contributing to this overall situation, it is felt that a
substantial amount of the unrest is directly attributable to
'Ohis programY
In another case, an anonymous letter was sent to the leader of the
Blackstone Rangers (Ia group, according to the Field Offices' proposal,
"to whom violent-type activity, shooting, and the like are second
nature") advising him that "the brothers that run the Panthers blame
you for blocking their thing and there's supposed to be a hit out for
you." The letter was intended to "intensify the degree of animosity
between the two groups" and cause "retaliatory action which could
disrupt the BPP or lead to reprisals against its leadership." 48
Another technique which risked serious harm to the target was
falsely lab~ling a target an informant. This technique was used in all
five domestic COINTELPRO. When a member of a nonviolent group
was sU<X\eSSfuIIy mislabeled as an informant, the result :was alienrution
from the group.49 When the target belonged to a group known to have
killed suspected informants, the risk was substantially more serious.
On several occasions, the Bureau used this technique against members
of the Black Panther Party; it was used at least twice after FBI documents
expressed concern over the possible consequences because two
members of the RPP had been murdered as suspected informants.5o
The Bureau recognized that some techniques used in COINTELPRO
were more likely than others to cause serious physical, emotional, or
economic damage to the targets.51 Any proposed use of such techniques-
for example, encouraging enmity between violent rival
•• Memorandum from Los Angeles Field Office to FBI headquarters, 5/26/70,
pp.1-2.
<7 Memorandum from San Diego Field Office to FBI headquarters, 9/15/69.
.. Memorandum from Chicago Field Office 1:0 FBI headquarters, 1/12/69; Memorandum
from FBI Headquarters to Chicago Field Office, 1/30/69.
•• See, e.g" Memorandum from ,San Diego Field Office to FBI Headquarters,
4/30/69.
00 One proposal to label a BPP member a "pig informer" was rejected because
the Panthers had recently murdered two suspected informers. The victims had
not bppn targpts of a Bureau effort to label them informants. (Memorandum from
FBI Headquarters to Cincinn'aIti Field Office, 2/18/71.) Xeverfheless, two similar
proposals were implemented a month later, (Memorandum from FBI Headquarters
to Washington Field Office. 3/19/71; ~Iemorandum from FBI Headquarters
to CharllYtte Field Office, 3/31/71.)
61 At least four assaults~two of them on womPIl~were rpportpd as "rpslllts"
of Bureau actions. (See COINTELPRO Report, Section IV: Wartimes Technique
Brought Home.)
219
groups, falsely labeling group members as informants, and mailing
anonymous letters to targets' spouses accusing the target of infidelitywas
scrutinized carefully by headquarters supervisory personnel, in
an attempt to balance the "greater good" to be achieved by the proposal
against the lmmnl or risked harm to the target. If the "good"
was sufficient, the proposal was approved. For instance, in discussing
anonymous letters to spouses, the agent who supervised the New Left
COINTELPRO stated:
[Before recommending approval] I would want to know
what you want to get out of this, who are these people. If it's
somebody, and say they did split up. what would accrue from
it as far as disrupting the New Left is concerned? Say they
broke up, what then....
[The question would be] is it worth it? 52
Similarly, with regard to causing false sllspicions that an individual
was an informant, the chief of the Racial Intelligence Section stated:
You haYe to be able to make decisions and I am sure that labeling
somebody as an informant, that you'd want to make
certain that it sE'rved a good purpose before YOIl did it and not
do it haphazardly.... It is a serious thing ... As far as I am
aware, in the black extrE'lllist area, by using that technique, no
one was killed. I am sure of that.52a
This official ,vas asked whether the fact that no one ,,'as killed was the
result of "luck or planning." He answered: "Oh, it just happened that
way, I am sure." 52b
It is intolerable in a free society that an agency of the Government
should adopt such tactics, whether or not the targets are involved in
criminal -activity. The "greater good" of 'the country is in fact served
by adherence to the rule of law mandated by the Constitution.
Subfindi.ng (d)
The sustained use of such tactics by the FBI in an attempt to destroy
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., violated the law and fundamental
human decency. .
The Committee devoted substantial attention to the FBI's covert
action campaign against Dr. Martin Luther King because it demonstratE'S
just how far the Government could go in a secret war against
one citizen. In focusing upon Dr. King. hmvever, it should not be
forgotten that the Bureau carried out disruptive activities against
hundreds of lesser-known American citizens. It should also be borne
in mind that positive action on the part of high Government officials
outRide the FBI might have prevented what occurred in this case.53
The FBI's claimed justification for targeting Dr. King-alleged
Communist influence on him and the civil rights movement-is examined
elsewhere in this report.54
62 New Left supervisor 10/28/75, pp. 72, 74.
'2. Moore, 11/3/75, p. 62.
r<!b Moore, 11/3/75, p. 64.
53 Rep pp. 275-277 and 205-206 of this Rpport for a dptailpd discussion of which
officials were awarp or should ha,p been aware of what 'the Burp'au was doing
to Dr. King- and how their action or inaction might hayp contributed to what
went on.
&! See Marin Luther King Report, Section III, "Concern in the FBI and the
Kennedy Administration Ovpr Allegations of Communist Influence in the Civil
Rights :Yloypment Increases, and the Ji'BI Intensifies the Inyestigation: October
1962-0ctober 1963." See generally, Finding on Overbreadth, p. 175.
220
The FBI's campaign against Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. began in
December 1963, four months after the famous civil rights March on
'\Vashington,55 "hen a nine-hour meeting was convened at FBI Headquarters
to discuss various "avenues of approach aimed at neutralizing
King as an effective Negro leader." 56 Following the meeting, agents
in the field 'were instructed to "continue to gather information concerning
King's personal activities ... in order that we may consider
using this information at an opportune time in a counterintelligence
move to discredit him." 57
About two weeks after that conference, FBI agents planted a microphone
in Dr. King's bedroom at the Willard Hotel in Washington,
D.C.58 During the next two years, the FBI installed at least fourteen
more "bugs" in Dr. King's hotel rooms across the country.59 Physical
and photographic surveillances accompanied some of the microphone
coverage.60
The FBI also scrutinized Dr. King's tax returns, monitored his
financial affairs, and even tried to determine whether he had a secret
foreign bank account.61
In late 1964, a "sterilized" tape was prepared in a manner that would
prevent attribution to the FBI and was "anonymously" mailed to Dr.
King just before he received the Nobel Peace Prize.62 Enclosed in the
package with the tape was an unsigned letter which warned Dr. King,
'" The August 1963 march on Washington was the occasion of Dr. Kings "I
Have a Dream" speech, on the steps of the Lincoln :\lemorial. (See memorandum
from William C. SUllivan to Alan Belmont, 8/30/63, characterizing the speech as
"demagogic". )
.. Memorandum from William C. Sullivan to Alan Belmont, 12/24/63. Although
FBI officials were making derogatory references to Dr. King and passing personal
information about Dr. King to their superiors. (Memorandum from Hoover to
Deputy Attorney General Katzenbach, 8/13/63.) Prior to December 1963, the
Committee had discovered no document reflecting a strategy to deliberately
discredit him prior to the memorandum relating to the December 1963 meeting.
67 Memorandum from William C. Sullivan to Alan Belmont, 12/24/63.
58 The microphone was installed on January 5, 196! (Memoranoum from
William C. Sullivan to Alan Belmont, 1/6/64.), just da:vs after Dr. King's picture
appeared on the cover of Time magazine as "Man of the Year." (Time
Magazine, January 3, 1964.) Reading of the Time magazine award, the Director
had written, "They had to dig deep in the garbage to come up with this one."
(Note on UP release, 12/29/63.)
•• FBI memoranda make clear that microphones were one of the techniQuell
being used in the effort to obtain information about Dr. Kinl\"s private life.
(Memorandum from F. J. Baumgardner to 'William C. Sullivan 1/28/64.) The microphones
were installed at the following plaeE'\S: Wa.~hinnton: Willard Hotel
(Jan. 1964); Milwaukee: Shroeder Hotel (Jan. 1964) ; Honolulu: Hilton Hawaiian
Village (Feb. 1964); Detroit: Statler Hotel (March 1964); Sacramento:
Senator Motel (Apr. 1964) ; New York Cit?!: Park Sheraton Hotel (Jan. 1965),
Americana Hotel (Jan. ann Nov. 196i'l), Sheraton Atlantie Hotel (May 1965).
Astor Hotel (Oct. 196;')), New York Hilton Hotel (Oct. 1965).
60 FBI summary memorandum, 10/3/75: memorandum from F. J. Baumgardner
to William C. Sullivan, 3/26/64; memorandum from William C. Sullivan to Alan
Belmont, 2/22/64; and unsigned memorandum, 2/28/64.
Oll\Iemorandum from F, J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan, 3/27/64;
memoranoum from New York Fielo Offiee to FBI HeadQuarters, 6/2/64; memorandum
from F. ,J. Baumgardner to William Sullivan, 7/14/60.
62 Sullivan 11/1/75, pp. 104-105, staff summary of a speeial al\'ent interview,
7/25/75. Three days before the tape was maileo. Direetor Hoover had publicly
branded Dr. King "the most notorious liar in the country" ann Dr. King hao
responded with a critieism of the Bureau. Dlemornndnm from Cnl't1lfl DeLoach
to John :\Iohr, 11/18/64; telegram from Martin Luther King to J. Edgar Hoover
11/19/64.)
221
"your end is approaching ... you are finished." The letter intimated
~hat the tape might be publicly released, and closed with the followmg
message:
King, there is only one thing left for you to do. You know
what it is. You have just 34 days in which to do (this exact
number has been selected for a specific reason, it has definite
practical significance) . You are done. There is but one way out
for you ...63
Dr. King's associates have said he interpreted the message as an effort
to induce him to commit suicide.64
At about the same time that it mailed the "sanitized': tape: the FBI
was also apparently otlering tapes and transcripts to newsmen.65 Later
when civil rights leaders Roy ·Wilkim and .James Farmer went to
·Washington to persuade Bureau officials to halt the FBI's discrediting
efforts,GG they ,vere told that "if King wantrs] war we [are] prepared
to give it to him." 67
Shortly thereafter, Dr. King went to Europe to receive the Nobel
Peace Prize. The Bureau tried to undermine ambassadorial receptions
in several of the countries he visited,G8 and when he returned to the
03 This paragraph appears in a document in the form of a letter which the FBI
has supplied to the Committee and which the Bureau maintains was discovered in
the files of former Assistant Director Sullivan. (FBI memorandum to the Select
Committee, 9/18/75.) Sullivan stated that he did not recall the letter and suggested
that it may have been "planted" in his files by his former colleagues.
(Sullivan 11/1/75, p. 104.) Congressman Andrew Young has informed the Committee
that an identical paragraph was contained in the letter which was
actually received by Dr. King with the tape, and that the letter the committee
had, supplied by the Bureau, appears to be an "early draft." (Young, 2/19/76,
p.36.)
Sullivan said that the purpose of sending the tape was "to blackmail King into
silence ... to stop him from criticising Hoover; ... to diminish his stature.
In other words, if it caused a break between Coretta and "Martin Luther King, that
would diminish his stature. It would weaken him as a leader." (Sullivan,
11/1/75, 11/26/75, p. 152.)
.. Young. 2/19/76, p. 37, Time magazine had reported earlier in the year that
Dr. King had attempted suicide twice as a child. ['.rime magazine, Jan. 4, 1964.]
.. Several newsmen have informed the Committee that they were offered this
kind of material or that they were aware that such material was available. Some
have refused to identify the individuals who made the offers and others bave
said they could not recall their identities. Former FBI officials have denied that
tapes or transcripts were offered to the press (e.g., DeLoach testimony, 11/28/75,
p. 152) and the Bureau maintains that their files contain no documents reflecting
that this occurred.
•• Staff interviews of Roy Wilkins, 11/23/75, and ,Tames Farmer, 11/13/75.
'7 Memorandum from Cartha DeLoach to John Mohr, 11/27/64; staff interview
of James Farmer, 11/13/75. Three days after Wilkins' meeting wifh DeLoach,
Dr. King asked to see the Director. telling the press "the time has come to bring
this controversy to an end." (UPI release, 12/1/B4) Dr. King and Hoover met the
following day; the meeting was described as "amicable." (Memoranda from
Cartha DeLoach to .Tohn Mohr, 12/1/64 and 12/2/64.) Despite the "amicable"
meeting. the Bureau's campaign against Dr. King continued.
.. Memorandum from F. J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan, 11/30/64;
memorandum from Legat to FBI Headquarters, 12/10/64. Steps were also taken
to thwart a meeting which Dr. King was planning to haye with a foreig-n leader
durin.1!: this same trip (Memorandum from F . .T. Baumgardner to William C.
RulliYflll. 11/10/64; memorandum from FBI Headquarters to Legat, 11/10/64),
and to influence a pendin.1!: USIA derision to send Dr. King on a ten-day lecture
trip in Africfl after rpceiving thp Nobel Prize. (Memorandum from F. J. Baumgardner
to William C. Sullivan, 11/12/64.)
222
United States, took steps to diminish support for a banquet and a
special "day" being planned in his honor.G9
The Bureau's actions against Dr. King included attempts to preyent
him from meeting with world leaders, receiying honors or fayorable
publicity, and gaining financial support. 'When the Bureau learned
of a possible meeting between Dr. King and the Pope in August 1964,
the FBI asked Cardinal Spellman to try to arrange a cancellation of
the audience,7° Discovering that two schools (Springfield College and
Marquette University) were going to honor Dr. King with special
degrees in the spring of 1964, Bureau agents tried to convince officials
at the schools to rescind their plans.l1 And when the Bureau learned
in October 1966 that the Ford Foundation might grant three million
dollars to Dr. King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference, they
asked a former FBI agent who was a high official at the Ford Motor
Company to try to block the award.a
A magazine was asked not to publish favorable articles about him.73
Religious leaders and institutions were contacted to undermine their
support of him.74 Press conference questions were prepared and dis-
•• The Bureau was in touch with Atlanta Constitution publisher Ralph McGill,
and tried to obtain the assistance of the Constitution's editor, Eugene Patterson,
to undermine the banquet. (Memorandum from William C. Sullivan to Alan
Belmont, 12/21/64; staff summary of Eugene Patterson interview, 4/30/75.) A
governor's assistance was sought in the effort to "water down" the "King day."
(Memorandum from F. J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan, 3/2/65.}
70 The Bureau had decided it would be "astounding" for Dr. King to have an
audience with the Pope and that plans for any such meeting should be "nipped
in the bud." (Memorandum from F. J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan,
8/31/64.) When the Bureau failed to block the meeting and the press reported
that the audience was about to occur, the Director noted that this was "astounding."
(FBI Director's notation on UPI release, 9/18/64). FBI officials took
immediate steps to determine "if there could possihly have been a slip-up."
(Memorandum from F. J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan, 9/17/64.)
71 Tile Bureau had decided that it would be "shocking indeed that the possibility
exists that King may receive an Honorary Degree from the same institution
(Marquette) which honored the Director with such a Degree in ]950." With
respect to Springfield College, where the Director had also been offered an honorary
degree, the Bureau's decision about whom to contact included the observation
that "it would not appear to be prudent to attempt to deal with" the President
of the college because he "is very close to Sargent Shriver." (Memorandum from
F. J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan, 3/4/64; and 4/2/64; memorandum
from Cartha DeLoach to John Mohr, 4/8/64.)
7lI Memorandum from Cartha DeLoach to Clyde Tolson, 10/25/66 and 10/26/66.
At about the same time. the Bureau leaked a story to the press about Dr. King's
intention to seek financial assistance from Teamsters Union President .James R.
Hoffa because "[d]iselosure would be mutually embarrassing to both men and
probably cause King's quest for badly needed funds to fAil in this instance."
(Memorandum from F. J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan, 10/28/66.)
The Bureau also tried to block the National Scil'nel' Foundation (]\,RF) from
dealing with the SCLC. "It is ineredible that an outfit Ruch aR the SCLC Rhould
be utiliZl'd for thl' purposl' of rl'cruiting- Nl'grol's to takl' part in the NSF prog-ram.
particularly where funds of the U.S. Government arl' involved." (Memorandum
from F. J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan, 12/17/64.)
7' Memorandum from Special Agent to Cartha DeLoach, 11/3/64.
7' "It is Rhocking indeed that King continueR to be honored by religious groups."
(Memorandum from F. J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan. 2/1/65.) Contacts
were made with representatives of the National Council of Churches of Christ,
the Baptist World Alliance. the American Church in Paris. and Catholie Church.
(Memoranda from William C. Sullivan to Alan Belmont, 6/12/64. 12/15/64 And
2/16/64; memorandum from F . .T. Baumgardner to 'William C. Rullivan. 2/18/66:
memorandum from Chicago Field Office to FBI Headquarters, 2/24/66, and
223
tributed to "friendly" journalists.75 And plans were even discussed for
sabotaging his political campaign in the eyent he decided to run for
national office. 7G An SCLC employee ,vas "anonymously" informed
that the SCLC was trying to get rid of hrr "so that the Bureau
[would be] in a position to capitalize on [her] bittrrness." 78 Bureau
officials contacted members of Congress/9 and special "off the record"
testimony was prepared for the Director's usc before the House
Appropriations Committee.8o
The "neutralization" program continued until Dr. King's dE'ath. As
late as :March 1968, FBI agents were being instructed to neutralize
Dr. King because he might become a "messiah" who could "unify,
and electrify, the militant black nationalist movement" if he were to
"abandon his supposed 'obedience' to 'white liberal cloctrines' (nonviolence)
and embrace black nationalism." 81 Steps were taken to subvert
the "Poor People's Campaign" which Dr. King was planning to
lead in the spring of 1968.82 Even after Dr. King's death, agents in
the field 'Yere proposing methods for harassing his ,vidow,83 and Bureau
officials were trying to prevent his birthday from becoming a
national holiday.84
The actions taken against Dr. King are indefensible. They represent
a sad episode in the dark history of covert actions directed against
law abiding citizens by a la,v enforcement agency.
memorandum from Legat, Paris, to FBI Headquarters, 4/14/66 and 5/9/66,)
The Director did disapprove a suggestion that religious leaders bE' permitted "to
listen to sources we have" (FBI Director's note on memorandum from Jones to
Thomas Bishop, 12/8/64.)
75l\Iemorandum from Charles Brennan to William C. SUllivan, 3/8/67. The Bureau
also disseminated to "friendly media sources" a newspaper article which
was critical of Dr. King's position on the Vietnam war. The stated purposes
were to "publicize King as a traitor to his country and his race," and to "reduce
his income," (memorandum from George C. Moore to William C. Sullivan,
10/18/67.) "Background information" was also given to at least one wire service
(memorandum from Sizoo to William C. SUllivan, 5/24/65).
76l\Iemorandum from FBI Headquarters to Xew York Field Office 5/18/67. There
has been rumors about a "peace ticket" headed by Dr. King and Benjamin
Spock.
78 :\Iemorandum from FBI Headquarters to New York Field Office, 4/13/64;
mpmorandum from Xew York Field Office to FBI Headquarters, 4/2/64.
":\Iemorandum from Cartha DeLoach to John :\Iohr, 8/14/65; memorandum
from F. J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan, 1/10/67.
&J :\Ipmorandum from F. J. Baumgardner to William C. Sullivan, 1/22/64;
mPlllorandum from :\'icholas Callahan to .Tohn ::\Iohr. 1/31/64. On one occasion
t11f' testimony leaked to other members of Congress, prompting the Director to
note. "Someone on Rooney's Committee certainly betrayed the secrecy of the
'off the record' testimony I ~aYe re: Kin~." (Director's note on memorandum
from Cartha DeLoach to John Mohr, 3/16/64.)
81 :\fpmorandum from FBI Headquarters to all SACs, 3/4/68.
a2 Memorandum from George C. Moore to William C. Sullivan, 3/26/68.
'" :\[elllorandum from Atlanta Fipld Office to FBI Hpadquarters, 3/18/69.
.. :\Ipmoranda: Frolll Gpor~p C. :\Ioore to William C. Slllliyan, 1/17/69: and
from Jones to Thomas Bishop, 3/18/69. Steps were even taken to prevent the
issuance of "comnlPmorative medals." (MemQrandum from Jones to Thomas
Bishop, 5/22/68.)
 

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