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CHURCH COMMITTEE REPORTS

PART FIVE
CONCLUSIONS
The CIA was conceived and established to provide high-quality
intelligence to senior policymakers. Since 1947 the Agency-its structure,
its place within the government and its functions-has undergone
dramatic change and expansion. Sharing characteristics common to
most large, complex organizations, the CIA has responded to rather
than anticipated the forces of change; it has accumulated functions
rather than redefining them; its internal patterns were established
early and have solidified; success has come to those who have made
visible contributions in high-priority areas. These general characteristics
have affected the specifics of the Agency's development.
The notion that the OIA could serve (U5 a coordinating body for
departmental intelligence activities and that the DOl could orchestrate
the process did not take into account the inherent institutional obstaeles
posed by the Departments. From the outset no Department was
willing to concede a centralized intelligence function to the CIA. Each
insisted on the maintenance of its independent capabilities to support
its policy role. ·With budgetary and management authority vested in
the Departments, the Agency was left powerless in the execution of
interdepartmental coordination. Even in the area of coordinated national
intelligence estimates the Departments did not readily provide
the Agency with the data required.
It was not until John McCone's term as DCI that the Agency aggressively
sought to assert its position as a coordinating body. That
effort demonstrated the complex factors that determined the relative
success of community management. One of the principal influences
was the support accorded the DCI by the President and the cooperation
of the Secretary of Defense. In a situation where the DCI commanded
no resources or outright authority, the position of these two
individuals was crucial. While Kennedy and McNamara provided
McCone with consistent backing in a variety of areas, Nixon and
Laird failed to provide Helms with enough support to give him the
necessary bureaucratic leverage.
It is clear that the DCls' own priorities, derived from their backgrounds
and intBrests, influenced the relative success of the Agency's
role in interdepartmental coordination. Given the limitations on the
DCI's authority, only by making community activities a first order
concern and by pursuing the problems assertively, could a DCI
begin to make a difference in effecting better management. During
Allen Dulles' term interagency coordination went neglected, and
the results were expansion of competing capabilities among the Departments.
For McCone, community intelligence activities were
clearly a priority, and his definition of the DCI's role contributed to
whatever advances were made. Helms' fundamental interests and
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inclinations lay within the Agency, and he did not push his mandate
to its possible limits.
The DCI's basic problems have been competing claims on his time
and attention and the lack of real authority for the execution of the
central intelligence function. As presently defined, the DCI's job is
burdensome in the extreme. He is to serve the roles of chief intelligence
advisor to the President, manager of community intelligence
activities, and senior executive in the CIA. History has demonstrated
that the job of the DCI as community manager and as head of the
OIA are competing, not complementary roles. In terms of both the
demands imposed by each function and the expertise required to fulfill
the responsibilities, the two roles differ considerably. In the future
separating the functions with precise definitions of authority and responsibilities
may prove a plausible alternative.
Although the Agency 1/)as established primarily for the purpose of
providing intelligence analysis to senior policymakers, withiJn three
years clandestine operatio'ns became and c~tinued to be the Agency's
preemhwnt activity. The single most important factor in the transformation
was policymakers' perception of the Soviet Union as a
worldwide threat to United States security. The Agency's large-scale
clandestine activities have mirrored American foreign policy priorities.
'With political operations in Europe in the 1950'S, paramilitary operations
in Korea. Third 'World activities, Cuba, Southeast Asia, and
currently narcotics control, the CIA's major programs paralleled the
international concerns of the United States. For nearly two decades
American policymakers considered covert action vital in the struggle
against international Communism. The generality of the definition or
"threat perception" motivated the continual development and justification
of covert activities from the senior policymaking level to the field
stations. Apart from the overall anti-Communist motivation, successive
Presidential administrations regarded covert action as a quick and
convenient means of advancing their particular objectives.
Internal incentives contributed to the expansion in covert action.
'Within the Agency DDO careerists have traditionally been rewarded
more quickly for the visible accomplishments of covert action than for
the long-term development of agents required for clandestine collection.
Clandestine activities will remain an element of United States
foreign policy, and policymakers will directly affect the level of operations.
The prominence of the Clandestine Service within the Agency
may moderate as money for and high-level Executive interest in covert
actions diminish. However, DDO incentives which emphasize operations
over collection and which create an internal demand for projects
will continue to foster covert action unless an internal conversion
process forces a change.
In the past the orientation of DCls such as Dulles and Helms also
contributed to the Agency's emphasis on clandestine activities. It is
no coincidence that of those DCls who have been Agency careerists,
all have come from the Clandestine Service. Except for James
Schlesinger's brief appointment, the Agency has never been directed
by a trained analyst. The qualities demanded of individuals in the
DDO-essentially management of people-serve as the basis for bureaucratic
skills in the organization. As a result, the Agency's leadership
has been dominated by DDO careerists.
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Clandestine collection and covert action have had their successes, i.e.
individual activities have attained their stated objectives. What the
relative contribution of clandestine activities has been-the extent to
which they have contributed to or detracted from the implementation
of United States foreign policy and whether the results have been
worth the risks--cannot be evaluated without wide access to records on
covert operations, access the Committee did not have.
Organizatimw'z arrangements within the Agerwy and the decisionmaking
structure outside the Agency have permitted the extremes in
OIA activity. The ethos of secrecy which pervaded the DDO had the
effect of setting the Directorate apart within the Agency and allowed
the Clandestine Service a measure of autonomy not accorded other
Directorates. More importantly, the compartmentation principle allowed
units of the DDO freedom in defining operations. In many cases
the burden of responsibility fell on individual judgments--a situation
in which lapses and deviations are inevitable. Previous excesses of drug
testing, assassinati.on planning, and domestic activities were supported
by an internal structure that permitted individuals to conduct operations
without the consistent necessity or expectation of justifying or
revealing their activities.
Ultimately, much of the responsibility for the scale of covert action
and for whatever abuses occurred must fall to senior policymakers.
The decisionmaking arrangements at the NSC level created an environment
of blurred accountability which allowed consideration of
actions without the constraints of individual responsibility. Historically
the ambiguity and imprecision derived from the initial expectation
that covert operations would be limited and therefore could be
managed by a small, informal group. Such was the intention in 1948.
By 1951 with the impetus of the Korean War, covert action had become
a fixed element in the U.S. foreign policy repertoire. The frequency
of covert action forced the development of more formalized
decisionmaking arrangements. Yet structural changes did not alter
ambiguous procedures. In the 1950's the relationship between Secretary
of State John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles allowed informal
agreements and personal understandings to prevail over explicit and
precise decisions. In addition, as the scale of covert action expanded,
policymakers found it useful to maintain the ambiguitl of the
decisionmaking process to insure secrecy and to allow 'plausible
deniability" of covert operations.
No one in the ExecutIve-least of all the President-was required to
formally sign off on a decision to implement a covert action program.
The DCI was responsible for the execution of a project but not for taking
the decision to implement it. Within the NSC a group of individuals
held joint responsibility for defining policy objectives, but
they did not attempt to establish criteria placing moral and constitutional
limits on activities undertaken to achieve the objectives. Congress
has functioned under similar conditions. Within the Congress a
handful of committee members passed on the Agency's budget. Some
members were informed of most of the CIA's major activities; others
pref~rred not to be informed. The result was twenty-nine years of
acqUIescence.
At each level of scrutiny in the National Security Council and in the
Congress a small group of individuals controlled the approval processes.
The restricted number of individuals involved as welllls thl;\ ~s94
sumption that their actions would not be subject to outside scrutiny
contributed to the scale of covert action and to the development of
questionable practices.
The DDO and the DDI evolved out of separate independent (ffga'
fLizations, serving different policy needs. Essentially, the two Directorates
have functioned as separate organizations. They maintain
totally independent career tracks and once recruited into one, individuals
are rarely posted to the other.
In theory the DDO's candestine collection function should have contributed
to the DD1's analytic capacity. However, DDO concerns about
maintaining the security of its operations and protecting the identity
of its agents, and DDI concerns about measuring the reliability of its
sources restricted interchange between the two Directorates. Fundamentally,
this has deprived the DDI of a major source of information
Although DDI-DDO contact has increased during the last five years,
it remains limited.
The DDI has traditionally not been informed of sensitive covert
operations undertaken by the DDO. This has affected the respective
missions of both Directorates. The Clandestine Service has not had the
benefit of intelligence support during consideration and implementation
of its operations. The Bay of Pigs invasion was an instance in
which DDI analysts, even the Deputy Director for Intelligence, were
llninformed and represents a situation in which timely analysis of political
trends and basic geography might have made a differenceeither
in the decision to embark on the operation or in the plans for the
operation. In the DDI, lack of knowledge about operations has complicated
and undermined the analytic eHort. Information on a CIAsponsored
political adion program would affect judgments about the
results of a forthcoming election; information provided by a foreign
government official would be invaluable in assessing the motives, policies,
and dynamics of that government; information on a CIAsponsored
propaganda campaign might alter analyses of the press or
public opinion in that country. Essentially, the potential quality of the
finished intelligence product suffers.
The Agency was created in part to rectify the problem of duplication
among the departmental intelligence services. Rather than minimizing
the problem the Agency has contributed to it by becoming yet another
source of intelligence production. Growth in the ran~e of American
foreign policy interests and the DDI's response to additional requirements
have resulted in an increased scale of collection and ana1ysis.
Today, the CIA's intelligence products include: current intelligence in
such disparate areas as science, economics, politics, strategic affairs,.
and technology; quick responses to specific requests from government
agencies and officials; basic or long-term research; and national intelligence
estimates. With the exception of national intelligence estimates,
other intelligence organizations engage in overlapping intelligence
analysis.
Rather than fulfilling the limited mission in intelli~ence analysis
and coordination for which it was created, the Agency became a producer
of finished intelligence and consistently expanded its areas of
responsibility. In political and strategic intelligence ~~e inadequ~cy
of analysis by the State Department and by the mIlItary seI'Vlces
allowed the A~encyto lay cla.imto the two areas. As the need for specialized
research in other subjects developed, the DDI responded-as
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the only potential source for objective national intelligence. Over time
the DDI has addressed itself to a full range of consumers in the
broadest number of subject areas. Yet the extent to which the analysis
satisfied policymakers' needs and was an integral part of the policy
process has been limited.
The size of the DDI and the admiJnistrati've process in'vol'ved in the
production of finished intelligence-a process which involves numerous
stages of drafting and review by large numbers of individualspreclJuded
close association bet/ween polifJymakers and analysts, between
the intelligence product and policy informed by intelligence
analysis. Even the National Intelligence Estimates were relegated to
briefing papers for second and third level officials rather than the principal
intelligence source for senior policymakers that they were intended
to be. Recent efforts to improve the interaction include c-reating
the NIO system and assigning two full-time analysts on location at
the Treasury Department. Yet these changes cannot compensate for
the nature of the intelligence production system itself, which employs
hundreds of analysts, most of whom have little sustained contact with
their consumers.
At the Presidential level the Del's position is essential to the utilization
of intelligence. The DCI must 'be constantly informed, must
press for access, must vigorously sell his product, and must anticipate
future demands. Those DCls who have been most successful in this
dimension have been those whose primary identification was not with
the DDO.
Yet the relationship between intelligence analysis and p'olicymaking
is a reciprocal one. Senior policymakers must actively utIlize the intelligence
capabilities at their disposal. Presidents have looked to the
~gency more for covert operations than for intelligence analysis.
While only the Agency could perform covert operations, decisionmaking
methods determined Presidential reliance on the CIA's intelligence
capabilities. Preferences for small staffs, individual advisors, the need
for specialized information quickly-all of these factors circumscribe
a President's channel of information, of which intelligence analysis
ma.y be apart. It was John F. Kennedy who largely determined John
McCone's relative influence by defining the DCI's role and by including
McCone in the policy process; it was Lyndon .rohnson and Richard
Nixon who limited the roles of Richard Helms and William Colby.
Althou/!h in the abstract objectivity may be the most desirable quality
in intelligence analysis. objective judl-{ffients are frequently not what
senior officials want to hear about their policies. In most cases, Presidents
are inclined to look to the judgments of individuals they know
and trust. Whether or not a DCI is included among them is the President's
choice.
Over the past thirty years the United States has developed an institution
and a corps of individuals who constitute the the U.S. intelligence
profession. The question remains as to how both the institution
and the individuals will best be utilized.

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