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1. SUMMARY AND FINDINGS The Select Committee's inyestigation of alleged assassination attempts against foreign leaders raised (llwstiollS of possible connections betwpen these plots and the assassination of President .fohn Fitzgerald Kennedy. Questions \wre later raised about whether the agencies adequately inYestigatpd theS(' possible COlllH'ctions and whpther infonnation about these plots was pl'Oyidpd the P"esident's Commission on the Assassination of Presidl'nt KpllIw(ly (the 'YalTl'n Commission). As a result, punmant to its general mandate to )'('Yiew the performance of the intelligence agencies, the Sdl'ct Committee redewed thpir specific performance with respeet to tllPir inn'stigation of thl' assassination of tlIP Prpsic!l'nt. A. The Scope of the Committee's Inl·('sti.qatioll The Committee did not attempt to duplicate the work of the 'Van'en Commission. It did not review the findings and conclusions of the 'Va.J'ren Commission. It did not re-examine the physical evidence which the 'ValTPn Commission had. It did not review one of the principal questions facing the Commission: whether Lee Harvey Oswald was in fact the assassin of P"esident Kennedy. Instead, building upon the Select Cominittee's earlier work, and utilizing its access to the agencies and its expmtise in their functions, tllP Committee examined tlw performance of the intelligence agencies in conducting their investigation of the assassination and their relationships to the ,Yarren Commission. In the course of this invpstigation, morp than 50 witnesses were eitllPr interyiewed or deposPd. Literally tens of thousands of pages of documentary evidence were "eviC\wd at the agencies and more than iI,OOO pages\vcl'e acquired. In addition, the (\;mmittee relied a great deal on testimony taken during the course of its invcstigation of alleged plots to assassinate foreign leaders, especially testimony relahng to knowledge of those plots. The Committee has been imp)'(~ssed with the ability and dedication of most of thoS(' in the intelligence communit:v. Most officials of the FBI, the CIA. and other agencies performed their assigned tasks thoroughly, con1"petently, and professionally. Supervisors at agBI1CY headquarters similarly met their responsibilities and are deserving of the highest pl'llisc. Yet. as this Report documents, these individuals did not have access to all of the information held by the most senior officials in their own agencies. Nor did they conty:ol. or even influence, many of tIl(' (lecisions made by those senior offieials, decisions "Which sha'ped the investigation and'the process by which information was provided to the ,Varren Commission. Thus. it cannot be too strongly pmphasized that this Report examines the performanee of the senior ageney officials in light of the information ava,ilable to them. (1) 2 Many potential witnesses could not he called hecause of limitations of time and rrsources. For this reason the Committee has relied a great deal on the doculIlPntary record of events. The Committee's Report distinguishes information ohtainrd from documents from information it obtained through sworn testimony through citations, since the documentary records may not accurately reflect the true events. On the other hand, the Committee has on many occasions noted that witnesses may ha\'e no recollection of the events described in documents which they either prepared or in which they were mentioned. The follO\ving Report details the evidence developed to date. The Heport is intended to be descriptive of the facts the Committee has de\- eloprd. The Committee believes the investigation should continue, in ~rtain areas, and for that reason do~s not reach any final conclusions. Instead, the Select Committee has recommended that the Senate Committee on Intelligence continue this investigation in those areas where the Select Committee's investigation could not be completed. B. Summary In the days following the assassination of President Kennedy, nothing was more important to this country than to determine the facts of his death; no one single ewnt has shaken the country more. Yet the evidence the Committee has developed suggests that, for different reasons, both t,he CIA and the FBI failed in, or avoided carrying out, certain of their responsibilities in this matter. The Committee emphasizes that this Report's discussion of investigative deficiencies and the failure of ~\..merican intelligence agencies to inform the 1Varren Commission of certain information does not lead to the conclusion that there was a conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy. Instead, this Report details the evidence the Committee developed concerning the illYestigation those agencies conducted into the President's assassination, their relationship \vith each other and with the 1Varren Commission, and the effect their own operations may have had on the course of the investigation. It places particular emphasis on the effect their Cuban operations seemed to have on the investigation. Howewr, the Committee cautions that it has seen no evidence that Fidel Castro or others in the Cuban gO\'Prnment plotted President Kenne(lY's assassination in retaliation for F.S. operations against Cuba. The Heport details these operations to illustrate why they were re·levant to the inwstigation. Thus, the CIA operation involving a high If\-el Cuhan official, code-nanlPd AMLASH, is des(',ribed in order to illustrate \"l1v that opeI'lltion, and its possible ramifications, should han' bepn examined as part. of the assa>;sination ill\'estigation. Similarly, although Cuban exile groups opposed to Castro may ha\-e been Ilpst't with Kennedy administration actions which rpstricted theil' arti\'ities, the Committee has no eTidenre that such groups plotted the assassination. Almost from the day Castl'O took powel' in Cuba, the United States beeamc the center of attempt>; to depose him. Cuban exiles, anticommunists, business inteTests, underworld figurps, and the United States Govemment all had their own reasons for seeking to over~ hro\\' the Castro gO\'el'llment. These intercsts generally operated mdcpelHlcntly of the others; but on occasion, a few from each group would join forces in a combine<l effort. 3 In c\ pril IBti!. a force of Cuban rxiles and soldiers of fortune hacked by the CIA, attemptl'd an innlsion of Cuba at thl' Bay of Pigs, In Xovembel' of that, year. the United States GoYt'rlllllent decided that furthel' sueh OYt'I't' pal'amilitary operations \yerl' no longer feasible. and embarked on Operation MONGOOSE. This operation attempted to use Cuban f'xiles and dissidents insidc' Cuba to oYt'rthrO\y Castro. ",Vhen the UnitC'd States faced a major confrontation with the SO\'iet Union during the Oetober l$lti2 Cuban missile, crisis. it terminated MONGOOSE; the CIA's cm'ert operations against Cuba were reduced; and the FBI and other agencips of goyel'llment began to restrict tIl(' paramilitary operations of exile groups, This rather sudden shift against paramilitary activity of Cuban exile groups genf'rated hostility. SUPPOliers of some of tll('sP groups \H're angered by the change in government policy. They vie\n·d this as a weakening of the IT.S. will to oppose Castro. Throughout this period, the CIA had bern plotting the assassination of Castro as another method of achieving a change in the Cuban govel'llment. Between Ul60 and early 196;) the CIA attempted to use underworld figures for this assassination. By ~Ia'y 1962. the FBI knew of such plots, and in.June 196;) leal'lled of their tel1llination. Following a .June 196;) decision by a "Special Group" of the National Security Council to increase COVeli operations against Cuba, the CIA renewed contact with a high-level Cuban govel'llment official. ('ode-named AMLASH. At his first meeting with the CIA in over a year. AMLASH proposed Castro's overthrow through an "inside job," with U.S. support. AMLASH considered the assassination of Castro a necessary part of this "inside job." Shortly after this meeting with A}[LASH, Castro issued a public warning reported prominently in the F.S. press about the United States' mpeting with terrorists who wished to eliminate Cnban leaders. He threatened that Cuba would answer in kind. Five days after Castro issued this thrrat. the Coordinating Committee for Cuhan affairs, an interagency planning committre subordinate to the National Security Council's Special Group, met to endorse or modify then existing contingency plans for possible retaliation by the Cuban Government. Representatives of the CIA, and of the State, Defense and .Justice Departments were on this Committee. The CIA representatives on this Co~mittee were from its Special Affairs Staff (SAS), the staffrespOIL'iible for Cuban matters generally and the AMLASH operation. Those attending the meeting on September 12 agreed unanimously that there was a strong likelihood Castro would retaliate in some \yay against the rash of covert activity in Cuba. At this September 12 meeting this Committee concluded Castro would not risk major confrontation with the United States. It therefore rejected the possibility that Cuba \vould retaliate 'by attacking American officials within the l"nited States; it assigned no agency the responsibility for consideration of this contingency. Within weeks of this meeting the CIA escalated the level of its covm't operations, informing A~[LASH the United States supported his coup. Despite \yarnings from certain CIA staffers that the operation was poorly conceived and insecure, the head of SAS, Desmond Fitzgerald. met AMLASH on October 29, 196;), told him he was the 4 "personal representati\'e" of Attol'lIPY General Hobert Kennedy. and stated the l;nite(l States would support a coup. On No\'emheJ' :2:2. at a 1)J'e-ananged nweting. a CIA Case Officer told AMLASH he would IX' provided rifles \vith telescopic sights. and explosives \vith which to carry out his plan. He was also offen'd a poison pen device. Following tlIP President's d.eath, searches of FBI and CIA files rewaled that Lee HarTey Os\vald was not unknown to the intelligence agencies. In late 1030. the FBI opened a "security file" on Oswald aftrr his drfection to the So\'iet Union. After Oswald's return to this country in .Tune 1962. he was interviewed twice by FBI agents; on each o~casion he repeatedly lied. He also refused to b(~ polygraphed about his negatiw anS\WI'S to questions of ties with Soviet intelligence. Yt't the FBI closed the Oswald seclII'ity ease immediately after the second inten-iew. The case was reopened in March 1963, but Oswald was not inten-iewed by the FBI until August 10, 196:3, when he re( jllPsted an inten'iew after his arrest in Nmv Orleans for disturbing the peace. On the occasion of this third interview, ,he again repeatP-clly lied to FBI agents. A month later Oswald visited Mexico City, where he visited both the Cuban and Soviet diplomatic establishments, and contacted a vice consul at the latter who was in fact a KGB agent. Despite recri\'ing this information on Oswald's Mexico City activity, the FBI failed to intensify its im'estigative efforts. It failed to interview him before the assassination despite receiving a note from him warning the FBI to leaw his wife alone, Immediately after the assassination, FBI Director .r. Edgar Hom'er ordered a complete review of t.he FBI's handling of the Oswald security case. 'Within six days he was given a report which detailed serious investigati\'e deficiencies. As a result of these deficiencies seventeen FBI per'SOnnel, including one Assistant Director, were disciplined. The fact that the FBI felt there were investigative deficiencit's and the disciplinary actions it took were ne\'er publicly dis('losed by the Bureau 01' commun~catedto the ,Varren Commission. . The evidence suggests that during the vVarren Commission investigation top FBI officials were continually concerned with protecting tht' Bureau's reputation and avoiding any criticism for not fulfilling investigative responsibilities. ,Vithin weeks after the assassination, the FBI, at the urging of senior Gon-rnment officials, is..'lued a report concluding that Oswald was the assassin and that he had acted alone. The Bureau issued its report on the basis of a narrow investigation focused on Oswald. without conclucting a broad investigation of the assassination which would have re\'Caled any conspiracy. foreign or rlomestir. Despite knowlerlge of Oswald's apparent interest in pro-Castro and anti-Castro activities and top level awarenes..'l of certain CIA assassination plots, the FBI, according to all agents and supervisory personnel who testifierl before the Committee, lIlade no special investigative effort into questions of pos..'lihle Cuban government or Cuban exile involvement in the assassination independent of the Oswalrl investigation. There is no indication that the FBI or the CIA directed the interviewing of Cuban sources or of sources within the Cuban exile community. The division of t,he FBI responsible for investigating criminal aspects of the assassination, and not the division responsible for investigating suhversivp activities (including those of Cuban 5 g-l'Oll p:-;), was primarily responsible for the inyestigation and srlTPd as liaison to the "TaITPll Commission, Director Hoover himself perceiYed the 'Vanen Commission as an adn'rsary, lIe I'elwa(pdly ]'('marke(l that the Commission, particu, lady the Chief .Ju:-;ticr. ,yas "St.·eking to critici%e" the FBI aIHI merely attrmpting to "filHl gaps" in the FBI's il1\'estigation, On (,YO :-;eparate occasions, the latter immediately upon release of the Commission's Report, Director Hoovpr asked for all derogatory material on 'Varren Commission memhers and staff contained in the FBI files. Neither the CIA. nor the FBI told the 'Varren Commission about the CIA attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro, Allen Dulles, former Director of Central Intelligencr. was a member of the 'Varren Commission and pl'rsllInably knew about CIA plots during his tenure with the Agency, although he probably was unaware of the .A~ILASH operation. FBI Diredor Hoover and senior FBI officials also knew about NlCse rarlier plots, In .Tuly H)()-±, two months before the 'ValTrn Commission issued its 2o-volume report of its investigation and findings, FBI officials learnrd that a Cuban official (not known to the Bure,au as "AMLASH") was plotting with the CIA to assassinate Castro. However, there is no cvidrnce this knowledge affectrd the FBI inYestigation of the President's assassination in any way. The Attorney General and other government officials knew there had been pre,- ions assassination plots with the underworld. None of the testimony or documents received by t,he 'Varren Commission mentioned the CIA assassination plots. The' subordinate offi.cersat the FBI and the CIA who acted as liaisons with the 'Varren Commission did not know of the CIA assassination attempts. The AMLASH plot was more relevant to the 'Vanen Commission's work than the early CIA. assassination plots with the underworld. Unlike those earlier plots, the AMLASH operation was in progress at the time of the assassination; unlike the earlier plots, the AMLASH operation could clearly be traced to the CIA; and unlike the earlier plots, the CIA thad endorsed AMLASH's proposal for a coup, the first step to him being Castro's assassination, despite Castro's threat to retaliate for such plotting. No one directly im'olved in either agency's investigation was told of the AMLASH operation, No one investigated a connrction between the AMLASH oprration and President Kennedy's assassination. Although Oswald had been in contact with pro-Cash'o and anti-Oastro groups for many months before the assassination, the CIA did not conduct a thorough investigation of questions of Cuban Government or Cuban exile involvement in the assassination. CIA officials knowledgeable of the A:\ILASH plot testified they did not relate it to the President's assassination; however, those at CIA and FBI responsible for their agency's investigation testified that, had they been aware of the plot, they would have considered it relevant to their investigation. The individual who (lirected the CIA investigation for the first month after the assassination, testified that he felt knowledge of the AMLASH operation would have been a "vital factor" in shaping his investigation. His successor at the CIA also stated that knowledge of the AMLASH plot would have made a difference in his im'rstigation. Individuals on the 'Van'en Commission staff have expre, ssed similar opinions as to all plots against Castro. There is also 6 e"idenCD that CIA im-estigatol'S re~lIested name traces which should huyc made them aware of the AMLASH operation, but for some 'reason, they did not learn of that operation. Although the "~an"n Commission concluded its work in September }f16-L the inwstigation of the assassinatlion was not to end. Both FBI Director HoO\'er and CIA. DpplIty Director for Plans Richard Helms pledged to kPep tlw mattPl" as an open case. In 196.5. tlIP FBI awl tllP CIA recein'd information about the AMLASH oprration. ,,-hich indicated the cntirc operation was inseeure, and caused the CIA to terminate it. Despite the fact that the information thpn re('eiwd might haye raised doubts about the inYeh'itigation of the President's assassination. neither agency re-examined the assassinatlion. The assassination of Presidpnt Kennedy again came to the attention of tIl(' intelligence agpncies in l!J67. President .Johnson took a personal interest in allegations that Cash'o had retaliated. Althoug-h the FBI receiyed such allpgations, no inyestigation was conduct('(l. On the ycry day President .Johnson received the FBI reports of these allegations, he met with CIA Director Richard Helms. The next (lay. Helms ordered the CIA Inspector General to prepare a report on Agency sponsored assassination plots. Although this report raised the question of a possible connection between the CIA plots against Castro and the assassinaton of President Kennedy, it was not furnished to CIA investigators who were to review the Kennedy assassination investigation. Once again. although these CIA investigators requested information that should have led them to diseover the A~rLASHoperation. they apparently did not receive that information. O. Fil1ding8 The CommitteR emphasize,s that lit has not uncovered any eyidence sufficient to justify a eonelusion that, there was a conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedv. The Committee has, h~wewr. developed evidence which impeache,.<; the process by which the intelligence agencies arrived at their own conclusions about the assassination, and by which they provided information to the 'Warren Commission. This evidence indicates that the investigation of the assassination was deficient and that faets which might haw substantially affected the course of the ill\-estig-ation were not provided the 'Varren Commission or those indi"iduals within the FBI and the CIA.. as well as otheT a,geneies of Govemment, who were charged with investigating the assassination. The Committee has found that the FBI, the agency with primary responsibility in the matter, was ordered by Director Hoover and pre,ssurcd by higher go\-C'rnment officials, to conclude its investigation quickly. The FBI conducted its investigation in an atmosphere of concem among senior Bure.au officials that it would be criticized and its reputation tarnished. Rather than addressing its inve,.<;tigation to all significant circumstances, including all possibilities of conspiracy, the FBI im-estigation foe-used narrowly on Lee Harvey Oswald. The Committee has found that eYen with this nalrrow focus, the FBI investigation, as well as the CIA inquiry, was deficient on the specific question of the significance. of Os\vald's contacts with pro-Castro and anti-Castro groups for the many months before the assassination. 7 Those indi\'iduals direct Iy responsible for the ill\'estigations were not fully conversant with the fluctuations in American policy toward those who opposed Castro, and they lacked a working knowledge of IH'o-Cast,m and anti-Castro aeti\city. They did not know the full ext~mt of F.S. operations against Cuba including the CIA efforts to assassinat{' Castm. The Committee further found that these im'estigatiye deficiencies are probably the reason that significant leads recei yed by intelligence agencies were not pursued. Senior Bureau officials should haye realized the FBI efforts were focused too narmwly to allow fO!' a full investigation. They should han> realized the significance of Oswald's Cuban contacts could not be fully analyzed without the direct inyolvenH>nt of FBI personnel who had expertise in such matters. Yei these senior officials permitted the inn>stigation to take. this course a.nd viewell the 1Varren Commission investigation in an adversarial light. Senior CIA officials also should han> realized that their agency was not utilizing its full capability to investigate Oswald's pro-Castro and anti-Castro connections. They should ,have realized that CIA operations against Cuba, particulai'ly operations involving the assassination of Castro, needed to be considered in the investigation. Yet, they directed their subordinates to conduct an investigation 'without telling them of these vital facts. These officials. whom the 1Varren Commission relied upon for exprrtise, ad vised the 1ValTen Commission that the CIA had no evidence of foreign conspiracy. 1Vhy senior officials of the FBI and the CIA permitted the inyestigation to go forward, in light of these deficiencies, and why they permitted the "Tarren Commission to reach its conclusion without all relevant information is still unclear. Certainly, concern with public reputation, problems of coordination between agencies, possible bureaucratic failure and embarrassment, am] the extreme compartmentation of knowledge of sensitive operations may have contributed to these short{;omings. But the possibility \exists that senior officials in both agencies made conscious decisions not to disclose potentially important information. Because the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations 1Vith Respect to Intelligence Activities ended on May 31, 1976, a final resolution of these questions was impossible. Nevertheless, the Committee decided to make its findings public. because the people have a right to know how these spe~ial agencies of the Government fulfill their responsi bilit ies. The Committee recommends that its successor, the Senate Seh>ct Committee on Intelligence, the permanent Senate Committee overseeing intelligence operations, continue the investigation in an attempt to resolve these questions. To a,;sist its successor. this Committee has forwarded all files pertaining to this investigation. This phase of the. Committee's work will undoubtedly stir controversy. Few events ,in recent memory have so aroused the emotions of this Nation and the world, as those in Dallas, in November 1963. Conspiracy theories and theorists abound, and the public remains unsatisfied. Regrettably, this Report will not put the matter to rest. Even after additional investigative work, no additional evidence may come to light on the ultimate question of why President Kennedy was assassinated.
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